Soviet (council)

thumb|287x287px|Soviet assembly in [[Petrograd, 1917]]

A soviet (, , ) is a representative workers' council that follows a socialist ideology, particularly in the context of the Russian Revolution. In the expanded meaning of "workers', peasants' and soldier's councils", and later "councils of deputies", the soviets acted as the foundation of the form of government of Russian SFSR and the Soviet Union, and influenced the Makhnovshchina.

The first soviets were established during the 1905 Revolution in the late Russian Empire. In 1917, following the February Revolution, there emerged a state of dual power between the Russian Provisional Government and the soviets. This ended later that year with the October Revolution, during which the Second Congress of Soviets proclaimed itself the supreme governing body of the country.

The governmental bodies on various levels were formally named "", colloquially "soviets of deputies" or "sovdeps". For this reason Soviet Russia or the Soviet Union may be called by the derogatory term "Sovdepiya" ().

Because soviets gave their name to the later Soviet Union, they are frequently associated with the state's establishment. However, the term may also refer to any workers' council that is socialist, such as the Irish soviets. Soviets elsewhere do not inherently need to adhere to the ideology of the Soviet Union.

Etymology

"Soviet" is derived from a Russian word meaning council, assembly, advice, harmony, or concord, and all ultimately deriving from the Proto-Slavic verbal stem of *vět-iti "to inform", related to the Slavic "věst" ("news"), English "wise", the root in "ad-vis-or" (which came to English through French), or the Dutch "weten" ('to know'; cf. "wetenschap" 'science').

The word "sovietnik" means "councillor", from the Russian word "soviet" plus the Russian suffix -ник denoting an occupation.

A number of organizations in Russian were called "council" ().

For example, in Imperial Russia, the State Council, which functioned from 1810 to 1917, was referred to as a Council of Ministers. During this time they established minor worker cooperatives, though the operations were minor due to Russian crackdown on leftist organizations.

Russian Revolution

The popular organizations which came into existence during the February Revolution were called "Councils of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies". These bodies were supposed to hold things together under the provisional government until the election of a constituent assembly could take place; in a sense, they were vigilance committees designed to guard against counter-revolution. The Petrograd Soviet of 4,000 members was the most important of these, on account of its position in the capital and its influence over the garrison.

Similarly, Leon Trotsky wrote in Terrorism and Communism (1920) that "In Petrograd, in November 1917, we also elected a Commune (Town Council) on the basis of the most democratic voting, without limitations for the bourgeoisie. These elections, being boycotted by the bourgeoisie parties, gave us a crushing majority. The democratically elected Council voluntarily submitted to the Petrograd Soviet... the Soviet Government placed no obstacle in the way of the bourgeois parties; and if the Cadets, the SRs and the Mensheviks, who had their press which was openly calling for the overthrow of the Soviet Government, boycotted the elections, it was only because at that time they still hoped soon to make an end of us with the help of armed force... If the Petrograd bourgeoisie had not boycotted the municipal elections, its representatives would have entered the Petrograd Council. They would have remained there up to the first Social Revolutionary and Cadet rising, after which ... they would probably have been arrested if they did not leave the Council in good time, as at a certain moment did the bourgeois members of the Paris Commune."

Vladimir Lenin wrote that the soviets were originally politically open and inclusive entities, writing in The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky (1918) that, "the disenfranchisement of the bourgeoisie is not a necessary and indispensable feature of the dictatorship of the proletariat. And in Russia, the Bolsheviks, who long before October put forward the slogan of proletarian dictatorship, did not say anything in advance about disenfranchising the exploiters. This aspect of the dictatorship did not make its appearance 'according to the plan' of any particular party; it emerged of itself in the course of the struggle ... even when the Mensheviks (who compromised with the bourgeoisie) still ruled the soviets, the bourgeoisie cut themselves off from the soviets of their own accord, boycotted them, put themselves up in opposition to them and intrigued against them. The soviets arose without any constitution and existed without one for more than a year (from the spring of 1917 to the summer of 1918). The fury of the bourgeoisie against this independent and omnipotent (because it was all-embracing) organisation of the oppressed; the fight, the unscrupulous, self-seeking and sordid fight, the bourgeoisie waged against the soviets; and, lastly, the overt participation of the bourgeoisie (from the Cadets to the Right Socialist-Revolutionaries, from Pavel Milyukov to Alexander Kerensky) in the Kornilov mutinyall this paved the way for the formal exclusion of the bourgeoisie from the Soviets."

The Bolsheviks and their allies came out with a program called "soviet government". The soviet system was described as "a higher type of state" and "a higher form of democracy" which would "arouse the masses of the exploited toilers to the task of making new history". Furthermore, it offered "to the oppressed toiling masses the opportunity to participate actively in the free construction of a new society". According to Lenin, soviet rule "is nothing else than the organized form of the dictatorship of the proletariat". A code of rules governing elections to the soviets was framed in March 1918, but the following classes were disqualified to vote: "Those who employ others for profit; those who live on incomes not derived from their own workinterest on capital, industrial enterprises or landed property; private business men, agents, middlemen; monks and priests of all denominations; ex-employees of the old police services and members of the Romanov dynasty; lunatics and criminals." Factory and village Soviets would send delegates to town Soviets, and in turn the town Soviet would send delegates to the regional Soviet, town and regional Soviets elected delegates to the provincial Soviet, provincial Soviets sent delegates to the Soviet of the constituent republic, and the Soviets of the Union Republics sent delegates to the Congress of Soviets of the U.S.S.R. As of 1936, the election of delegates up the pyramid became direct with the creation of the Supreme Soviets.

Local constituents within the factory and village soviet would compile a list of what they want the government to do, and the role of the elected delegates was to carry out the given tasks. Unsatisfactory delegates are liable to recall by majority decision of the electorate: in the 30s, fifteen delegates were so recalled within four years in Moscow alone. There were very few full time administrative workers or state functionaries; instead, many citizens would take part in the day-to-day running of the government. In the 1940s, it was estimated that at any given time there were over a million people participating in the running of the Soviets.

Each Soviet has a variety of committees, parallel to the government departments in the USSR as a whole- public employees aided, advised and ran their relevant committees- for example, teachers would be on education sections, and doctors on healthcare sections:

The Union Republics, Provinces and Town Soviets had jurisdiction to run their own industry, take censuses, employ more doctors, teachers, and nurses, build schools, libraries and hospitals so long as it did not directly conflict with the national policy. More than half of the Union Republic's income went towards local grants, and local Soviets were largely allowed to determine how their budget was spent.

Based on the Bolshevik view of the state, the word soviet extended its meaning to any overarching body that obtained the authority of a group of soviets. In this sense, individual soviets became part of a federal structure - Communist government bodies at local level and republic level were called "soviets", and at the top of the hierarchy, the Congress of Soviets became the nominal core of the Union government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), officially formed in December 1922. Successive Soviet Constitutions recognised the leading role of the Communist Party in politics, - the 1936 Constitution deemed it the "leading nucleus of all organisations of workers, whether public or state".

The soviets were structured as the instruments through which the Party governed the country. Thus the organs of the Communist Party (the highest being the Central Committee) made decisions on state policy, while the soviets acted as a system for public approval of implementing the Party's programme.

Later, in the USSR, local-government bodies were named soviet (sovyet: council) with an adjective indicating the administrative level, customarily abbreviated: gorsoviet (gorodskoy sovyet: city council), raysoviet/raisoviet (rayonny sovyet: raion council), selsoviet (sel'sky sovyet: rural council), possoviet (poselkovy sovyet: settlement council). In practice deputies in a soviet often worked in standing committees and carried out functions with the help of unpaid volunteers (the aktiv - ).

Post-Communist Russia

Although English speakers perceive the term as connoting the defunct Soviet Union, the same word is used in Russian for the Federation Council of the post-communist Russian Federal Assembly. Its untranslated name is Сове́т Федера́ции (Sovyet Federatsii).

Outside Russia

Poland

right|thumb|Polish soldiers and workers electing a council in [[Poznań, November 1918]]

Workers' councils, known as rady delegatów robotniczych (councils of workers' delegates) or simply rady robotnicze (workers' councils), were formed in Poland at various times throughout the 20th century. The first known examples occurred during the Revolution in the Kingdom of Poland (1905–1907), part of the 1905 Russian Revolution, wherein workers in Congress Poland took control of factories and sometimes even entire towns until tsarist authorities quelled the rebellion using police and military forces; alongside Central Russia and Latvia, Congress Poland was one of the most active centres of the 1905 of revolution.

In 1918, soviets began popping up all around Poland, which was regaining independence after 123 years of colonial rule. Over 100 workers' councils operated there in the years 1918–1919, assembling around 500,000 workers and peasants. The most numerous and radical councils were located in Kraśnik, Lublin, Płock, Warsaw, Zamość, and Zagłębie Dąbrowskie.

The rady robotnicze also appeared in the aftermath of World War II 1944–1947, in the Polish People's Republic during the Poznań protests of 1956 and Polish October, in 1970, as well as the strike committees and councils of 1980–1981.

Germany

In the wake of World War I, the Social Democrats took power in Bavaria, setting up the People's State of Bavaria under the leadership of Kurt Eisner, a popular Jewish writer. Eisner, an eccentric and well known figure in Munich, succeeded in carrying out a bloodless coup with a few hundred men on 7 November 1918, occupying the seat of parliament and government, and proclaiming a republic. He was assassinated three months after, whereupon a short-lived soviet republic was established by the Bavarian workers.

On 1 May 1919, the German Army, along with local Bavarian Freikorps, overthrew the nascent republic, massacring several hundred persons in the process, including many non-Communist. A Social Democratic government was thereupon restored, however, political power passed to the Bavarian right.

In 1929, Deng Xiaoping led a short-lived soviet in Bama County.

Elsewhere

The term soon came to be used outside the former Russian Empire following 1917. The Limerick Soviet was formed in Ireland in 1919 at the beginning of the Irish War of Independence, and sprung up alongside a number of soviets in Ireland. In 1920, the Workers' Dreadnought published "A Constitution for British Soviets" in preparation for the launch of the Communist Party (British Section of the Third International). Here the focus was on "household" soviets "[i]n order that mothers and those who are organisers of the family life of the community may be adequately represented."

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Notes

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