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Politics in the Philippines are governed by a three-branch system of government. The country is a democracy, with a president who is directly elected by the people and serves as both the head of state and the head of government. The president serves as the leader of the executive branch and is a powerful political figure. A president may only hold office for one six-year term. The bicameral Congress consists of two separate bodies: the Senate, with members elected at-large across the country, and the larger House of Representatives, with members chosen mostly from specific geographic districts. The Congress performs legislative functions. The judiciary is overseen by the Supreme Court of the Philippines and has extensive review jurisdiction over judgments issued by other governmental and administrative institutions.
The legal system, which covers both civil and criminal law, has been impacted by the prior rule of both Spain and the United States. Spanish control was mostly supported by local intermediaries, which resulted in an elite-dominated system. The United States took sovereignty of the whole archipelago following the Spanish–American war, suppressing the nascent First Philippine Republic that had been declared after the end of Spanish administration. Control by the United States resulted in democracy and institutions that were fashioned after the American political system. Martial law's implementation hampered this. National politics were ruled by a two-party system when the country attained independence in 1946 and changes brought about by the restoration of democracy are what led to the multi-party system that exists today. There have been various levels of left-wing insurgencies since independence, as well as a continuous Islamic insurgency.
Elections are held every three years, although the president, vice-president, and Senators are elected for six-year terms. Results are determined through plurality voting, including plurality-at-large for elections (such as for the Senate) with multiple winners. A mixed-member proportional representation system is used to elect a minority of the House of Representatives. Local government units have some revenue-generating powers, under a code intended to decentralize power away from the national government. Administrative structures at local levels are designed to foster civil society participation.
Politics is dominated by a powerful elite, with dynastic politics common at both the local and national levels. Political parties are weak, with elections instead dominated by individual and familial personalities. Political positions provide extensive opportunities for patronage, and clientelism and electoral fraud are common. Corruption is considered widespread, while state institutions are relatively weak. Politics has been heavily influenced at times by the Catholic Church, the Philippine military, and the United States. Despite pessimism about the potential for political change, democracy maintains strong public support, and voter turnout is high.
Executive
Executive power is vested to the president, who is both head of state and head of government. This individual is directly elected to a six-year term through a single-round first past the post election, and being limited to one term are unable to seek re-election.
thumb|left|The [[Malacañang Palace is the official residence of the president.]]
The vice president, limited to two consecutive six-year terms, is elected separately from the president. This means the president and vice president may be from different political parties. In case of death, resignation, or incapacitation, of the president, the vice president becomes the president until the expiration of the term. Cabinet members may not be members of Congress. This title gives the president several emergency military powers, and can be reviewed by the Supreme Court. The president also proposes a national budget, which Congress may alter before they adopt it. The strength of the presidency combined with weak state institutions exacerbates corruption in the country. The senators elect amongst themselves a Senate President. with 20% elected via party-list system, and the rest elected from legislative districts. Legislative districts are intended to be roughly equal in population, and every city with a population of at least 250,000 people is guaranteed at least one representative. The party of the sitting president controls the House of Representatives, where members often change party affiliation to join the president's party. The Senate has generally acted more independently. and can decide on the constitutionality of laws. giving it powers usually seen as those of the executive and legislature. The court can effectively create law without precedent, and such decisions are not subject to review by other bodies. Within the regular court system, Below this, Regional Trial Courts have original jurisdiction on most criminal matters, and are the main trial courts. The Regional Trial Courts are organized within judicial regions, which correspond to the administrative regions. Sharia courts, which have been set up in some regions on the same level as Regional and Metropolitan courts, Some administrative bodies are able to exercise very specific quasi-judicial powers, as determined by law.
Legal system
thumb|The 1935 [[Constitution of the Philippines, which served as the basis for the current constitution]]
The Philippine legal system is a hybrid form based on the Spanish civil law and American common law system, with a system of Sharia law in place for some areas of law involving Muslims. and laws passed by the Congress must be consistent with the Constitution. Since the establishment of the 1898 Constitution, there have been only three new constitutions, implemented in 1935, 1973, and 1987, respectively.
All presidents under the current constitution have proposed some type of constitutional reform, although none have succeeded. Wariness around such change exists due to the structural aim of the constitution in limiting Presidential power compared to previous constitution, leaving reform open to accusations of being a power grab. A switch to a unicameral parliamentary system is seen by some as a way to make the legislature and government more responsive and effective.
The Civil Code of the Philippines is based on the Civil Code of Spain, which was extended to the Philippines on July 31, 1889. A notable feature of this code is the influence of the Catholic Church, which remains to this day. Under this code, judicial decisions applying or interpreting the laws or the Constitution is part of the legal system, the doctrine of stare decisis applies in deciding legal controversies. However, the application of stare decisis is not the same as in full common law jurisdictions, as it incorporates civil law precedent.
This power is extensive enough that the court can create new law without precedent in such situations, and such decisions are not themselves subject to review from another body. The local legislative assemblies may enact local ordinances within their respective territorial and political boundaries in accordance with the local autonomy granted by the Local Government Code.
Elections
thumb|Voting lines in [[Mabalacat during the 2013 elections]]
Since 1935 and the establishment of the Commonwealth of the Philippines, elections have been administered by the Commission on Elections (COMELEC). The elected officials are the president, vice president, members of Congress, regional governors and assemblymen, provincial governors, vice governors, and board members, city and municipal mayors, vice mayors and councilors, and barangay (village) chairmen and councilors. Elections are for fixed terms. Most elected officials have three-year terms, with the exceptions being the president, vice president, and senators, whose terms last for six years.
All terms above the barangay level begin and end on June 30 of the election year, and all elected officials are limited to three consecutive terms, except for senators, and the vice president, who are limited to two, and for the president, who cannot be reelected. All positions are voted on separately, including those of president and vice-president. Even during the two-party era, internal party structures were weak. Three presidents had previously switched parties after falling to obtain the nomination in their previous party's conference. Under the 1987 constitution, elections above the barangay level are held every three years since 1992 on the second Monday of May, although senate seats, the presidency, and the vice presidency are only contested every six years since 1992. single-winner elections have been carried out using a plurality voting system: the candidate with the highest number of votes is elected. A constitutional commission was assembled after the 1986 People Power Revolution in part to consider the process of elections. It determined to keep plurality/first-past-the-post voting for 80% of seats, but to use a mixed-member proportional representation party-list system to allocate up to 20% of seats. However, such a system was not used until the 1998 general election, which followed the passing of the Party-List System Act in 1995. Prior to this law passing, sectoral representatives were appointed by the President.
thumb|left|upright|Electoral official in [[Valencia, Bukidnon|Valencia checking an electoral roll during the 2013 elections]]
A group participating in the party-list system (which may not be running in any single-member constituencies) must receive 2% of votes cast to enter congress, and can win a maximum of three seats. The 1998 election saw 123 organizations run, and only 32% of voters selecting a party-list organization, meaning only 13 organizations passed the 2% threshold taking up only 14 of the 52 seats allocated to party-list organizations. COMELEC decided to allocate the remaining seats to organizations that had not reached the 2% threshold despite prior rules indicating they would be distributed among parties that passed the threshold by vote share. Following a legal challenge, the Supreme Court overruled COMELEC, implementing its own system to allocate the seats, limiting the maximum three seats to only the most-voted organization. In the run-up to the 2001 election COMELEC approved over 160 organizations. Following a legal challenge at the Supreme Court COMELEC all but 42 were disqualified, including seven which had won more than 2% of the votes. Two court later nullified two of the disqualifications.
The 1986 commission also kept the "open ballot" system, where voters had to write the name of their chosen candidate on the voting form.
Vote counting in these elections could take up to 18 hours, and tabulation could take up to 40 days. In 1992 COMELEC adopted a strategic plan to modernize voting, and the first electronic vote-counting pilot test took place in the 1996 Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao general election. This pilot was considered a success. In 1997 a law was based calling for the open ballots to be replaced by pre-printed ballots. It has been reported by COMELEC that this new system reduces the ability for vote-buyers to monitor how people vote.
National and local elections began to be held on the same day from May 1992, following the passage of Republic Act (RA) 7166. Under the 1987 constitution all registered parties are allowed poll watchers, whereas under the previous system poll watchers were only allowed from the two main parties.
The 1987 constitution mandates that local governments must have local autonomy. The Local Government Code seeks to enhance civil participation in local government, mandating civil society representation on bodies such as school and health boards. There are also mechanisms for the recall of elected officials, and local legislation through publicly organized referendum, although such mechanisms are rarely used. While Article X of the 1987 constitution allows autonomous regions in the Cordilleras and Muslim Mindanao, only the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) exists. The National Capital Region has a unique governing body, the Metropolitan Manila Development Authority, which carries out some region-equivalent functions.
The concentration of political and economic power in Manila leads has created the demand for changes such as decentralization or federalism.
Culture and influences
Despite the challenges faced by Filipino elections, and a sometimes pessimistic view about the potential of elections, coupled with a free press and an established legal system. There are several examples of mass direct action throughout history, including the long-running communist rebellion in the Philippines and the multiple "People Power" events. A distrust of the state, and of state institutions such as the police, is a continuing legacy of martial law.
There has been strong continuity in class structures from the Spanish period to the present. This failure to achieve significant land reform is thought to have restricted the growth of the Philippine economy, and is linked to continuing political inequality. Despite such inequality, the strength of the left movement has declined since the restoration of democracy.
A small professional and technical middle class, mostly concentrated in urban areas such as Metro Manila, are relatively trusted within the civil service and play a significant role in civil society organization. Such organizations are examples of cause-based politics, an exception to the usual model of Philippine political parties and political organization. While too small to change the overall political structure, civil society organizations are sometimes able to influence policy on specific issues. Notably, the role they played in the People Power Revolution led to a brief political consensus towards a more technocratic and relatively economically liberal state.
Some tension exists between this middle class with the larger but less active poorer class, most clearly expressed in the different outcomes and opinions regarding the entwined EDSA II and EDSA III protests. Unlike in the first People Power Revolution, which saw joint participation from both classes, these following mass protests are generally considered to have predominantly middle and lower class movements respectively, with EDSA III failing to overturn the success of EDSA II. In 2010, over half of the members of the House of Representatives and over half of all Governors were related to someone who had been in Congress over the previous 20 years. Over 60% of high-level local elective offices were held by a dynastic candidate. For both dynastic candidates and celebrities, voter familiarity with their names is thought to drive their electoral success.
In addition to strong divisions in class identity, the Philippines has a diversity of regional identities, driven by its archipelagic nature and varied history. National politicians then relied on local politicians to drive turnout within the constituency of the local politician, incentivizing government funding of local projects rather than national ones to shore up support, and causing national political parties to function more as an alliance of local politicians rather than centralized platforms. Local politics is thus often more personal and potentially violent than national politics. Over time, this model of control, supported through the economic benefits of state capture, has become more prominent compared to the older paternalistic model.
The political influence of the Church has decreased in the 21st century, following sexual abuse revelations and the death of the prominent Cardinal Jaime Sin. The Rodrigo Duterte administration has also clashed with the Church, with Duterte at times directly positioning himself against the Church. with one bill being passed by the House of Representatives before rejection by the Senate. The measure was reintroduced in the next session of Congress. During the 2022 presidential elections campaign, the Church endorsed the candidacy of vice president Leni Robredo to prevent Bongbong Marcos, son of dictator Ferdinand Marcos, from winning the election. Robredo, who won in 18 of the 86 dioceses in the country, lost the presidential race in a landslide.
Military
thumb|The 2003 [[Oakwood mutiny and 2007 Manila Peninsula siege saw prominent buildings in Makati occupied by military forces in opposition to the Gloria Macapagal Arroyo administration.]]
The Philippine military became officially involved in socioeconomic issues during the Hukbalahap Rebellion. While the 1935 constitution designated the president the Commander in Chief, the 1973 constitution was the first to explicitly include the principle of civilian control of the military. and 2017, both in Mindanao.
United States
thumb|Philippine President [[Ferdinand Marcos, American President Ronald Reagan, and Imelda Marcos during a Philippine state visit to the United States]]
Even after Philippine independence, the United States remained entwined within Philippine politics and the Philippine economy. Influence also remains in social and civil institutions. The arrival of Hindu influence increased the power of Indianized datus. Throughout Spanish rule, the archipelago remained divided by regional identity and language. The Philippines had their own Governor and locals were relied upon for administration. Over time, this elite class became more culturally distinct, gaining an education unavailable to most and intermarrying with Spanish officials and Chinese merchants.
In the 19th century, Philippine ports opened to world trade and shifts started occurring within Filipino society. An expanding civil service and a changing economy saw more complex social structures emerge with new upper and middle classes. A class of educated individuals became known as the Ilustrados. This group gained prominence in Philippine administration, and became increasingly involved in politics. The Spanish–American war reached the Philippines on May 1 with the Battle of Manila Bay. The Katipunan under Emilio Aguinaldo proclaimed the independence of the Philippines on June 12, 1898. Aguinaldo proclaimed a revolutionary government, and convened a congress that approved the Malolos Constitution, inaugurating the First Philippine Republic. The Philippine–American War erupted in February 1899 in a skirmish in Manila. Aguinaldo was captured on April 1, 1901. securing the Sultanate of Sulu and establishing control over interior mountainous areas. The Philippine government pursued a policy of gradually strengthening government in Mindanao, supported by immigration from Christian areas. Despite this, the traditional political structures of Sultanates and Datus continued as a parallel political structure.
The 1916 Jones Law envisioned eventual Philippine independence. The Nacionalista-dominated legislature grew more powerful, seizing state bodies and using nationalism to weaken American oversight. In 1937 the voting franchise was expanded to include literate women. Treatment of the Commonwealth by the United States was inconsistent: sometimes it was treated as a separate country, sometimes as under US jurisdiction. The presidential system of the Commonwealth government was based on that of the United States.
The Japanese invasion of 1941 at the onset of World War II forced the Commonwealth government to go into exile, The KALIBAPI became the sole legal political party, and Jose P. Laurel was declared president of an independent Second Philippine Republic. The Americans reconquered the Philippines in 1944, and Osmeña, who had succeeded Quezon upon the latter's death, restored the Commonwealth government. A left-wing political movement that spawned from the Hukbalahap fight against the Japanese was suppressed by the former elite with American support, leading to the continuation of the rebellion against the new government. These changes did not shift the overall shape of Filipino politics, which remained a two-party system dominated by a narrow elite.
Roxas suffered a fatal heart attack in 1948, allowing Vice President Elpidio Quirino to rule the country for the next six years. Magsaysay implemented a plan to settle surrendered Hukbalahap rebels in Mindanao,
Before the 1957 election, Magsaysay was killed in a plane crash. His vice president, Carlos P. Garcia, succeeded him and won the election. He continued Magsaysay's "Filipino First" policy and implemented an austerity program. Garcia was defeated by his vice president, Diosdado Macapagal of the Liberal Party, in 1961. Macapagal initiated a return to a system of free enterprise, and sought land reform and electrification.
thumb|left|upright|President [[Ferdinand Marcos declares martial law.]]
The growing and diversifying economy of the 1960s led to a growth in private business power which introduced a semi-presidential system. which Marcos easily won. Opposition leader Benigno Aquino Jr. was slain upon his return to the Philippines in 1983. Aquino's government was mired by coup attempts, and leading up to the 1992 presidential election she supported Fidel V. Ramos, who had left her party to form his own. Ramos won, albeit under controversial circumstances and allegations of electoral fraud. The 1992 elections were the first to be synchronized, with presidential, legislative, and local elections held simultaneously. The military withdrew their support from Estrada and transferred their allegiance to Vice President Arroyo; the Supreme Court later ruled the presidency as vacant, and Estrada left Malacañang Palace.
thumb|left|Presidents [[Joseph Estrada, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, Rodrigo Duterte, Fidel V. Ramos, and Benigno Aquino III]]
Arroyo was sworn in as president on January 20, 2001. Estrada's supporters launched their own mass movement, which was ultimately unsuccessful. Arroyo's People Power Coalition won a majority of seats in the 2001 elections and therefore consolidated power. In 2003, a failed coup attempt took place in the central business district. As she had served less than four years as president, Arroyo was eligible for re-election. This second term saw another coup attempt. By the end of her presidency, Arroyo was the most unpopular president since the 1986 People Power Revolution.
Before the 2010 election, former president Aquino died, and her son, Benigno Aquino III, won the election. His administration was politically stable, seen as relatively clean, and had the highest ratings since Marcos. While his popularity dipped towards the end of his administration, it was linked to perceptions about the failure of change within the wider political system, rather than to Aquino himself.
Duterte ran on a populist platform, winning votes from various socioeconomic classes, with particularly strong appeal to the middle classes. Duterte then prioritized infrastructure spending, and sought to end the communist insurgency. The administration made peace with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, replacing the ARMM with the more powerful Bangsamoro region. The Duterte government has largely continued Aquino's economic policies, including those focused on the poor. Its political policies have shown a shift towards illiberal democracy, with the politicization of legal institutions and less regard for checks and balances. On 30 June 2022, Marcos was sworn in as the Philippine president and Sara Duterte was sworn in as vice-president.
See also
- Censorship in the Philippines
- Sovereignty of the Philippines