Sir Percy Cradock (, 26 October 1923 – 22 January 2010) was a British diplomat, civil servant and sinologist who served as British Ambassador to the People's Republic of China from 1978 to 1983, playing a significant role in the Sino-British negotiations which led up to the signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration in 1984.
Joining the Foreign Office in 1954, Cradock served primarily in Asia and was posted to the British Chargé d'affaires Office in Peking (now referred to in English as Beijing) at the outset of the Cultural Revolution in 1966. He, along with other British subjects, was manhandled by the Red Guards and the mobs when the office was set on fire on 22 August 1967. After the rioting, Cradock served as Chargé d'affaires in Peking from 1968 to 1969, and later succeeded Sir Edward Youde as British Ambassador to the People's Republic of China in 1978. His ambassadorship witnessed the start of the Sino-British negotiations in 1982, which subsequently resulted in the Joint Declaration in 1984, an agreement deciding the future of the sovereignty of Hong Kong after 1997. However, the decision of Cradock, who was the British chief negotiator in the negotiations, to compromise with the Chinese authorities, was regarded as a major retreat by the general media in Hong Kong and the United Kingdom, and was heavily criticised at that time as betraying the people of Hong Kong.
Cradock remained a trusted advisor to the then Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher, who appointed him as Chairman of the Joint Intelligence Committee in 1985. After the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, he was the first senior British official to pay a visit to the Chinese leadership in the hope of maintaining the much criticised Joint Declaration. He was successful in fighting to guarantee, in the Basic Law of Hong Kong, that half of the seats of the Legislative Council would be directly elected by 2007. However, Cradock worsened his relationship with Thatcher's successor, John Major, by forcing him to visit China in 1991 after the row between the two countries over the Airport Core Programme of Hong Kong. Major had enough of the compromising attitude of Cradock and the-then Governor of Hong Kong, Sir David Wilson, and finally decided to have both of them replaced in 1992, choosing instead his Conservative-ally Chris Patten as Governor.
Unlike his predecessors, Patten was strongly criticised by the Chinese authorities during his governorship because he introduced a series of democratic reforms without consulting them. Although Cradock had retired, he joined the pro-Beijing camp, and became one of the most prominent critics of Governor Patten, censuring him for wrecking the hand-over agreement that had been agreed with the Chinese government. Cradock and Patten blamed each other publicly a number of times in the final years of British administration of Hong Kong. He once famously denounced Patten as an "incredible shrinking Governor", while Patten mocked him openly, in another occasion, as a "dyspeptic retired ambassador" suffering from "Craddockitis".
Cradock spent his later years in writing a number of books on realpolitik diplomacy and was a non-executive director of the South China Morning Post.
Early life and education
Percy Cradock was born on 26 October 1923 in Byers Green, County Durham, to a farming family. He was educated at Alderman Wraith Grammar School in Spennymoor in his childhood when he experienced the decline of the local mining industry, influencing him to become a devoted supporter of Labour for a long time.
Diplomatic career
Arson attacks on the British Chargé d'affaires Office
In 1954, Cradock gave up his academic career in Cambridge and joined the Foreign Office as a late entrant. He served in the London headquarters from 1954 to 1957, and was then posted to the British High Commission in Kuala Lumpur, Malaya (now Malaysia), as First Secretary from 1957 to 1961. He was sent to Hong Kong in 1961 to learn Mandarin, and in the next year became Chinese Secretary of the British Chargé d'affaires Office in Peking, the People's Republic of China. Nevertheless, the situation soon became much worse in 1967, when leftist rioting in mainland China spread to Hong Kong, causing the colonial government to adopt tough measures to suppress a series of leftist demonstrations and strikes. The suppression was generally supported by the local residents of Hong Kong, but anti-British sentiment in mainland China was greatly aroused. Many in Peking were enraged by what they regarded as the "imperialist presence" in China and viewed the British Chargé d'affaires Office as a target to express their anger.
By then, senior officials in the Hong Kong Government, as well as several land developers in Hong Kong, became aware of the question of the 1997 expiry of the 99-year land lease by China to Britain of the New Territories, contained within the 1898 Sino-British Convention for the Extension of Hong Kong Territory, feeling increasingly uncertain about the future validity of land leases. The colony of Hong Kong was basically made up of Hong Kong Island and Kowloon which were ceded to Britain respectively in 1842 and 1860, and the New Territories, which unlike the first two regions was only leased to the United Kingdom for a 99-year term beginning from 1898. Since the 99-year lease would expire roughly twenty-five years after in 1997, they began to notice that land leases in the New Territories approved by the colonial government might not subsist beyond 1997. However, unexpectedly, the leader of Communist China, Deng Xiaoping, simply disregarded the question of land leases and firmly insisted on taking over the whole of Hong Kong on or before 1997. The visit ended in dramatically unveiling the prelude of the Sino-British negotiations over the future of Hong Kong.
right|thumb|190px|Prime Minister [[Margaret Thatcher]]
Following the victory of the Conservatives in the UK General Election in 1979, the new Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher, adopted a tough line in diplomacy, and the question of Hong Kong was no exception. Not long after the military victory of the United Kingdom over Argentina in the Falklands War, Mrs. Thatcher, accompanied by Cradock and Youde, who was now Governor of Hong Kong, paid a visit to Peking on 22 September 1982 in the hope of persuading the Chinese government not to insist on claiming sovereignty over Hong Kong. During her visit, Thatcher and Cradock discussed the matter with the Chinese leadership, including Chinese Premier Zhao Ziyang and Deng Xiao-ping. Although both sides agreed that a formal negotiation over the future of Hong Kong should be held without delay, their views further clashed on 24 September when Thatcher emphasised in a meeting with Deng in the Great Hall of the People that the Sino-British Treaty of Nanking, Convention of Peking and the Convention for the Extension of Hong Kong Territory were still valid, a fact that was firmly denied by Deng, who instead insisted that China must take over Hong Kong by 1997 regardless of the treaties. When Thatcher, Cradock and Youde left the Great Hall after their meeting with Deng, Thatcher accidentally slipped on the steps outside. The sensational scene was described by the local media as a sign hinting at the defeat of the "Iron Lady" by the "shortie" (i.e. Deng).
Following Thatcher's visit to China, the first round of Sino-British negotiations began in Peking from October 1982 to June 1983 with Cradock as the British chief negotiator. However, due to the heavy clash of views, the negotiations saw little success. Cradock feared that prolonged or broken talks would put China in an advantageous position and would provide it with an excuse to unilaterally decide the future of Hong Kong, at a time when 1997 was rapidly approaching. In this regard, Cradock advised Thatcher to compromise with China so as to let Britain retain some degree of influence over the Hong Kong issue, and one of the major concessions he urged was to stop insisting upon the authority conferred by the three treaties to extend British administration beyond 1997. In a letter to the Chinese authorities towards the end of the first round of negotiations, Thatcher wrote that if the result of the negotiations was accepted by the people of Hong Kong, the British government would recommend Parliament to transfer sovereignty over Hong Kong to China. The letter indicated Thatcher's shift to a softened stance, which paved the way for the second round of negotiations. Similarly to the first round, both sides found each other difficult. During the negotiations, Britain suggested that the sovereignty of Hong Kong could be transferred to China in 1997, but to ensure the prosperity of Hong Kong, Britain should be given the right to rule beyond 1997. This suggestion was heavily criticised by Zhou as "replacing the three unequal treaties by a new one", thus forcing the talks into a stalemate again.
The sign of failure of the United Kingdom in the Sino-British talks and the uncertainty of the future of Hong Kong greatly weakened the confidence of the people of Hong Kong in their future, which in turn provoked a crisis of confidence. In September 1983, the foreign exchange market recorded a sudden fall in the exchange rate of the Hong Kong Dollar against the US Dollar. The fall in value of the Hong Kong Dollar triggered a brief public panic in Hong Kong with crowds rushing to food stalls, trying to buy every available bag of rice, food and other essential daily commodities. To stabilise the Hong Kong Dollar and to rebuild the confidence of the general public, the Hong Kong Government swiftly introduced the Linked Exchange Rate System in October, fixing the exchange rate at HK$7.8 per US Dollar. Nevertheless, the Chinese government accused the Hong Kong Government of deliberately manipulating the fall of the Hong Kong Dollar, and threatened that if the Sino-British talks could not reach a satisfactory outcome within a year, they would unilaterally take the sovereignty of Hong Kong in their own way by 1997.
Cradock was deeply worried that China would leave the negotiating table and act alone. With much effort, he managed to convince the government in November 1983 that the United Kingdom would surrender any claims of sovereignty or power of governance over Hong Kong after 1997. Such a move was generally regarded as the second major concession offered by the United Kingdom. Although Cradock was succeeded by Sir Richard Evans as the British chief negotiator in January 1984, Cradock had made most of the agreements which later formed the foundation of the Sino-British Joint Declaration. To acknowledge his critical role in the Sino-British negotiations, he was promoted a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George in 1983, having been a Knight Commander of the Order of St Michael and St George since 1980.
After rounds of negotiations, the Sino-British Joint Declaration was finally initialled by representatives of both Britain and China on 26 September 1984, and on 19 December, the Joint Declaration was formally signed by Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and Chinese Premier Zhao Ziyang in the Great Hall of the People. As one of the main draftsmen of the Joint Declaration, Cradock also witnessed the signing in person. However, the Joint Declaration could not bring confidence to the people of Hong Kong. According to an opinion poll conducted shortly afterwards, only 16% of the respondents felt reassured by it, while 76% of the respondents held a reserved attitude. Furthermore, 30% believed that "One Country Two Systems" suggested in the Joint Declaration would be unworkable, showing that the general public of Hong Kong felt insecure and doubtful about the agreement made between Britain and China.
Disagreements leading up to 1997
When Cradock, a diplomat fluent in Mandarin, left the Sino-British talks in the end of 1983, it was rumoured that he would succeed Sir Edward Youde as Governor of Hong Kong. Yet, the rumour never turned into reality,
thumb|left|180px|Prime Minister [[John Major]]
left|thumb|180px|[[Chris Patten, the last Governor of Hong Kong]]
Cradock was instructed to visit Peking secretly in the end of 1989, trying to maintain the Joint Declaration and to cool down the Communist antipathy in Hong Kong. In Peking, he tirelessly lobbied China to guarantee a greater degree of freedom and democracy in post-1997 Hong Kong. It was due to his efforts that China agreed to gradually promote democratisation in the future Hong Kong Special Administrative Region by allowing half of the sixty seats of the Legislative Council to be directly elected by 2007, which was duly achieved in 2004. The promise guaranteed by China was subsequently reaffirmed in the Annex II of the Basic Law of Hong Kong promulgated in 1990. As a result of the accusations made against it, the British government was anxious to gain the support of China. They secretly sent Cradock to China for several visits in 1990 and 1991, "explaining" the details of the new airport project to the Chinese leadership, and attempted to reassure the Chairman of the Central Military Commission of the Chinese Communist Party Jiang Zemin that the new airport would not bring any harm to China. After the new airport episode, it was felt by the Conservative government that the soft diplomacy previously adopted by Britain in its relations with China was no longer effective, and Major concluded that Cradock and Governor Wilson had been too kind to the Chinese authorities and that they should take responsibility for that approach.
The first to go was Governor Wilson. In the New Year Honours List of 1992, it was unexpectedly announced that he would be made a life peer and be elevated to the House of Lords. Shortly afterwards, although Wilson had three more years before reaching the normal retirement age of 60, the British government suddenly announced that the governorship of Wilson would end soon and not be extended. Unlike the general practice, the British government did not name Wilson's successor as the next Governor of Hong Kong, thus leaving a lot of speculation that Wilson was forced to quit due to his weakness. In the quarrel between Patten and the Chinese government, Cradock stood firmly against Patten and criticised him on many occasions, blaming him for damaging the planned road-map which had been endorsed by both the British and Chinese governments. In 1995, Cradock publicly said in an interview that "He [referring to Patten] has made himself so obnoxious to the Chinese" and later, on another occasion, he described Patten as the "incredible shrinking Governor". Some of his former colleagues, such as former Chief Secretary of Hong Kong, Sir David Akers-Jones, were grieved over his death, but others like the founding chairman of the Democratic Party of Hong Kong Martin Lee commented adversely by saying "I don't think he was Hong Kong's friend".
Controversies
The two major retreats of Cradock and his compromising attitude in the Sino-British negotiation aroused considerable controversies at that time. Cradock defended his actions on the grounds that he acted from a realist point of view and he thought that the United Kingdom actually had "no card" on hand and had little bargaining power at all. From the legal point of view, Cradock believed that since the Convention for the Extension of Hong Kong Territory would expire in 1997, Britain would no longer be able to govern Hong Kong effectively thereafter because the New Territories would have to be returned to China even though Hong Kong Island and Kowloon would not, and that was one of the main reasons why he advised Thatcher to compromise with China.
It was also claimed that Cradock was indeed not a liberal because he and the British government did not act for the interests of Hong Kong on the negotiating table. In fact, the British government believed that maintaining a friendly Sino-British relationship was of the utmost importance in preserving British business interests in China. To give up Hong Kong in exchange for a long-term friendship with China was regarded as profitable especially to the business sector in the United Kingdom. In addition, as the Joint Declaration was designed to bring stability to Hong Kong, it effectively closed the "back door" of entry into the United Kingdom and therefore avoided a possible influx of 3 million British subjects of Hong Kong to seek asylum or right of abode there.
left|200px|thumb|[[Hong Kong Legislative Council]]
Cradock was a bitter critic of Governor Patten's political and democratic reform programme, blaming him for enraging the Chinese government, for which he thought Patten should be held responsible.
Though Cradock was on bad terms with Patten, he was highly valued by the Chinese government and the pro-Beijing camp. They generally praised him for playing a vital role in the making of the Sino-British Joint Declaration. The Xinhua News Agency, the official news agency of the Chinese authority, once described Cradock as a "friend of China and an experienced British diplomat who at the same time bears in mind to safeguard the interests of his country…History has proved his sincerity and objectivity."
Personal life
From 1953, Cradock was married to Birthe Marie Dyrlund, who also worked in the Foreign Office. They had no children. Cradock was a member of the Reform Club.)
Honorary fellowship
- St John's College, Cambridge (1982