Parhae - WikiHQ

Parhae, also rendered as Bohai or Balhae, and called Jin early on, was a multiethnic kingdom established in 698 by Tae Choyŏng (Da Zuorong). It was originally known as the Kingdom of Jin (震, Zhen) until 713, when its name was changed to Parhae. At its greatest extent it corresponded to what is today Northeast China, the northern half of the Korean Peninsula and the southeastern Russian Far East.

There are differing accounts of Parhae's founding, but most of them state that when Parhae was founded by Tae Choyŏng in 698, it involved Goguryeo and Mohe people. Parhae's early history was marked by a rocky relationship with the Tang dynasty, characterized by military and political conflict, but by the end of the 8th century the relationship had become cordial and friendly. The Tang dynasty would eventually recognize Parhae as the "Prosperous Country in the East".

Parhae's culture has been described as similar to, derived from, or affiliated with Goguryeo, Mohe, Khitan, and Tang cultural elements. However the exact nature of Parhae's relationship to these cultures is disputed. Parhae adopted some of the Tang's administrative systems like Three Departments and Six Ministries. Parhae was conquered by the Khitan-led Liao dynasty in 926. A significant portion of Parhae's population fled to Goryeo while others remained in Parhae or were deported to other places in the Liao empire. Parhae survived as a distinct population group for another three centuries in the Liao and Jin dynasties before assimilating into other groups and disappearing under Mongol rule.

The history surrounding the origin of the state, its ethnic composition, the modern cultural affiliation of the ruling dynasty, the reading of their names, and its borders are the subject of a historiographical dispute between Korea, China and Russia. Historical sources from both China and Korea have described Parhae's founder, Tae Choyŏng, as related to the Mohe people and Goguryeo.

Name

Parhae was founded in 698 by Tae Choyŏng (Da Zuorong) under the name (진, Jin), read as tsyinH in Middle Chinese. The kingdom's name was transcribed as in Chinese, with the same Middle Chinese reading as . This name is presumed to derive from the 'Jin' (震) trigram of the I Ching, which means thunder, movement, change, and corresponds with the East.

In 713, the Tang dynasty bestowed the ruler of Jin with the noble title "Prince of Commandery of Bohai (Parhae)" (渤海郡王). In 762, the Tang formally elevated Parhae to the status of a kingdom. Linguists Karl Heinrich Menges and Roy Andrew Miller raised another theory, suggesting that the name Parhae had an underlying native name which was cognate to Manchu butha ("hunting").

The transcriptions Bohai (Chinese pinyin romanization), Po-hai (Chinese Wade–Giles romanization), and Balhae (Revised Romanization of Korean) are also used in modern academia. Most Western-language scholarship have opted for Bohai except in the field of Korean studies; however, some scholars have chosen the Korean romanization to avoid a "Chinese" narrative spread by the usage of pinyin romanization. According to Pamela Kyle Crossley, neither Chinese or Korean transliterations can be correct. She chose to use modern Chinese transliteration "to indicate that the only referent we have is Chinese characters". Jesse D. Sloane chose to use "Parhae" because it was not covered in depth in the state-mandated curriculum of China, but used Chinese romanization for all other terms related to Parhae that appeared in Chinese sources first. Neither Crossley or Sloane meant to depict Parhae as essentially Chinese but used Chinese romanization out of convenience and to acknowledge the transnational origins of Parhae discourse.

According to the Shoku Nihongi, Japanese diplomatic communications with Parhae recognized it as a "state of Go[gu]ryeo." Examples of Parhae envoys being referred to as Goryeo envoys and Parhae kings as the king of Goryeo are found extensively in the Nara Period (710–794) but have not been found during the later Heian Period (794–1185).

History

thumb|Buddhist relief sculpture from Parhae at the [[Ohara Museum of Art, Japan. The inscription in Literary Chinese contains a description of the artifact's making in 834 AD, and a poem honoring the dharma.|alt=]]

Origin

According to Old Book of Tang, after Goguryeo was defeated by the Tang, Tae Choyŏng (Da Zuorong) led his relatives to settle in Yingzhou (營州, modern-day Chaoyang) until they were disturbed by a Khitan rebellion in 696. Li Jinzhong (Wushang Khan) of the Khitans along with his brother-in-law Sun Wanrong rebelled against Tang (Wu Zetian's Zhou Dynasty) hegemony, killed an abusive Tang commander, and attacked Hebei. Li died soon after and Sun succeeded him, only to be defeated by the Second Turkic Khaganate.

The population of Yingzhou fled eastward toward the Liao River during the turmoil. The Tang tried to appease Tae Chungsang (Da Zhongxiang), the father of Tae Choyŏng, and another leader named Kŏlsa Piu (Qisi Biyu), by granting them the titles of Duke of Zhen (Jin) and Duke of Xu (Heo) respectively. Geolsa Biu rejected the offer but was soon defeated by a Tang force led by Li Kaigu, while Tae Chungsang fled with his followers but also died around the same time. Tae Chungsang's son left the Liao River valley for Mt. Tianmen (in modern Jilin Province). The Old Book states that there, Tae Choyŏng united the Goguryeo and Mohe people to deal a heavy defeat upon the Tang forces led by Li Kaigu at the Battle of Tianmenling (Cheonmunnyeong). Because the route to Tae was cut off by the Kumo Xi and Khitans who had submitted to the Türks, Wu Zetian was unable to attack. Tae led his people east to the former area of Kyeru (Guilou) and built a walled settlement against Mount Dongmo (Dongmou) for protection. In 698, Tae Choyŏng declared himself King of Zhen (Jin).

Other sources provide different accounts of Parhae's origin or differ in the details. According to Crossley, there was no rebellion at all, and the leader of the Sumo Mohe (Songmal Malgal) assisted the Tang by suppressing Khitan rebels. As a reward the Tang acknowledged the leader as the local hegemon of a semi-independent state. According to Wang Zhenping, Mohe people and Goguryeo loyalists were deported to Yingzhou after the fall of Goguryeo. They waited there for an opportunity to strike back. In 696, three Mohe chieftains took advantage of the Khitan rebellion to move further east. Kŏlsa Piu was defeated while Tae Chungsang died around the same time, leaving Chungsang's foster son, Tae Chungsang in control of the group. Chungsang defeated a Tang punitive expedition and led his people to live in Dunhua.

In diplomatic communications between Silla and Jin, Silla attempted to confer investiture to Tae Choyŏng with the title of a fifth rank official: "Dae achan". Silla conferred this mid-ranking investiture partially out of a sense of superiority, but also because Parhae was a relatively new kingdom whereas Silla had been centuries old. The people of Jin did not know the system of ranks used in Silla and thus accepted the title. After a while, Tae Choyŏng realized the meaning of the title and sought to change Parhae's international status. In 713 or 714, the Tang dynasty recognized Tae Choyŏng as the "Prince of Bohai (Parhae)", the name for the sea surrounding Liaodong and Shandong. Between 713 and 721, Silla constructed a northern wall to maintain active defences along the border. The Tang later recognized Parhae as a kingdom in 762 but Silla continued to view Parhae as a rebellious vassal. However, Kim Eun Gug argues that the "bestowal of a fifth-rank position was an expression of Silla's confidence, and such an exchange would have been unimaginable if Silla and Parhae were in a hostile relationship." After Tang recognition of Parhae as a kingdom, Parhae diplomatic missions to Japan began to refer to the Parhae ruler as descended from Heaven. Japanese officials criticized these letters, revised them, and limited diplomatic missions from Parhae. A royal epitaph and Buddhist scripture confirm this designation for the ruler of Parhae. Among the official dynastic history works, the New Book of Tang refers to Tae Choyŏng and his state as Sumo Mohe (related to Jurchens and later Manchus) affiliated with Goguryeo. The Old Book of Tang also states Tae's ethnic background as Mohe but links him with Goguryeo via the term biezhong (gaoli biezhong ; 高麗別種). Literally speaking, biezhong means "separate kind." The term is interpreted as meaning "a branch of the Goguryeo people" by South and North Korean historians, but as "distinct from Goguryeo" by Japanese and Chinese researchers. The Old Book also states that the social customs of Parhae were the same as Goguryeo and the Khitans. Japanese diplomatic communications with Parhae recognized it as a "state of Go[gu]ryeo" and that envoys to Parhae were Goryeo envoys.

In the early 12th century, the Jurchen leader Aguda sent ambassadors to the Liao dynasty to call on the Parhae people there to rebel against the Liao by appealing to a common origin between the Jurchens and Parhae. According to the appeal, both the Jurchens and Parhae people descended from the seven Wuji (Mulgil) tribes. However, according to Alexander Kim, this applied only to the Mohe portion of Parhae's population and not the Goguryeo people, who were not included in the seven Wuji tribes.

The Samguk sagi, written in the 12th century by Kim Pusik, did not consider Parhae a Korean state, but it contains an excerpt of a letter from the Tang Grand Preceptor describing remnants of Goguryeo forming a country which they named Parhae. Kim considers this unlikely since Goguryeo fell in 668 while Tae died in 719, and young men could not receive the rank of general. The Tongmunson (Selections of Refined Literature of Korea), a 15th century compilation, contains an excerpt from a letter sent by Ch'oe Ch'iwŏn to a Tang official stating that "In the past, Emperor Gaozong of Tang destroyed Goguryeo, but that Goguryeo is now Balhae". Dengzhou was the center of maritime trade routes in East Asia and the site where both Silla and Parhae envoys stayed when coming to pay tribute to the Tang Emperor. As a result, Parhae's attack on Dengzhou was not merely motivated by geopolitical retaliation against the Tang but also out a of a desire to assert its newfound maritime prowess as well as prevent the Heishui Mohe from establishing trade relations with the Tang, which would have weakened Parhae's dominace of the northern trade routes. Parhae's successful attack on Dengzhou also demonstrates a surprising maritime prowess for a thirty-year old state, which had military naval vessels that could cross the sea as well as merchant vessels that could carry out trade activities.

In response to the attacks, the Tang ordered Kim Chungsin, the nephew of Seongdeok of Silla and courtier in the Tang court, to return to Silla and organize an attack on Parhae. Chungsin excused himself from the request by asking to remain in China as the emperor's bodyguard. In his place, the Tang sent Kim Saran, a low ranking diplomat from Silla, and a Tang eunuch. Munye was also recalled to recruit soldiers in Youzhou. In the meantime, Parhae struck again, sacking the town of Mt. Matou (northwest of modern Shanhaiguan), and killing 10,000 Tang soldiers. The Parhae force raided and pillaged along the Liao River and the coast of the Liaodong Peninsula. In 733, Tang and Silla's forces attempted a joint attack on Parhae but were accosted by a blizzard that blocked all roads and killed half of the 100,000 Tang-Silla army, forcing them to abort the invasion. Muye continued to try to kill his brother. He sent an agent to Luoyang to plot the assassination of his brother. Munye was attacked in broad daylight near the Tianjin Bridge outside the imperial palace but escaped unharmed.

Reconciliation with the Tang

In 734, Silla attacked Parhae with no success. In an effort to curb Parhae's ambitions, the Tang granted Silla's request to place troops in the Paegang region in 735.

The strategic landscape began to turn on Parhae in 734–735, when the Khitan chieftain, Ketuyu, and his Turkic allies were defeated by Tang forces. In addition a force of 5,000 Kumo Xi cavalrymen surrendered to the Tang. The defeat of the Khitans and Turks, and the submission of the Kumo Xi removed the buffer zone that had formed between Parhae and the Tang. Sensing the change in strategic developments, Muye decided to reconcile with the Tang. In 737, Tang sailors and civilians detained in Parhae were repatriated. In 738, an envoy from Parhae requested Tang ritual codes and dynastic histories in a symbolic gesture towards peace. Muye died soon after.

Relations with Japan

Japanese records indicate that Parhae and Japan enjoyed very amicable relations. When King Mu sent Parhae's first envoy delegation to Japan in 727, the mission was made up of 24 men, which included high-ranking generals such as

Ko Inŭi and Ko Chedŏk. King Mu had 300 sable furs sent by the Parhae delegation to Japan as both a show of goodwill and a desire to foster friendly relations with Japan.

Muye's son and successor, Tae Hŭmmu (Da Qinmao, r. 737–793), continued the course of reconciliation with the Tang. At the same time, trouble with the Tibetan Empire to the west forced the Tang to withdraw all military forces from Korea and adopt a defensive stance. Hŭmmu cemented the geopolitical balance by sending an envoy to the Japanese court, which his father had done as well in 728 to threaten Silla with an ally from the southeast. Parhae kept diplomatic and commercial contacts with Japan until the end of the kingdom. Parhae dispatched envoys to Japan 34 times, while Japan sent envoys to Parhae 13 times.

Parhae planned a joint attack on Silla with Japan. Gyeongdeok of Silla offended Japan twice. In 753 he treated Japanese ambassadors with arrogance and in 758 he refused to meet them. After 758, Japan asked Parhae to attack Silla with them. Parhae and Japan exchanged ambassadors several times in the 750s and 760s to plan for the attack. Silla likely knew of these plans and prepared by building six castles along the border with Parhae in 762. The border region changed hands many times but the losses are not described in Silla's official history, only the dates when an army was sent north. Japan prepared a fleet to invade southern Silla; however the plan never came to fruition.

In 755, the An Lushan Rebellion broke out, causing the Tang to lose control of the northeast, and even after the rebellion's end in 763, warlords known as jiedushi controlled the former northeastern part of the Tang empire. In 762, Emperor Daizong of Tang formally recognized Parhae as a state and Hŭmmu as its king. Although China recognized him as a king, Parhae itself referred to him as the son of heaven (emperor) and a king. The consort of the ruler was also called empress. In 771, Mun sent a letter to Japan declaring himself the "Grandson of Heaven". A record in 834 says that Parhae had both kings and great kings. The epitath of Princess Chŏnghyo (Zhenxiao), daughter of Hŭmmu, states that her father was a "great king." Hŭmmu moved the capital of Parhae several times. He also established Shangjing/Sanggyeong, the permanent capital near Lake Jingpo in the south of modern day Heilongjiang province around 756, stabilizing and strengthening central rule over various ethnic tribes in his realm, which was expanded temporarily. He also authorized the creation of the Jujagam/Zhouzijian (), the national academy, based on Guozijian, the national academy of Tang.

Conflict with Mohe tribes and Silla

The bilateral relationship between the Tang and Parhae grew friendlier. From 766 to 779, 25 missions from Parhae paid respect to Daizong. By the end of Hŭmmu's reign in 793, princes from Parhae's royal family were serving as guards at the court of Emperor Dezong of Tang of their own volition. Peace with the Tang allowed Parhae to further expand its territory. After the death of Hŭmmu, who was posthumously known as Mun (Wen, r. 737–793), Parhae experienced a succession crisis. As a result, Parhae lost territory and bordering Mohe tribes rebelled. Both the reigns of Sŏn (Xuan, r. 818–830) and Tae Ijin (Da Yizhen, r. 830–857) saw intrusions by Mohe tribes. Sŏn annexed the Yuexi Mohe and other tribes along the Amur valley in the north. In 886, the Heishui Mohe put up wooden signs declaring that they wished to establish peaceful relations with Silla. In 818-820, he also invaded Liaodong and parts of Silla on Parhae's southern border. In 826, Silla mobilized tens of thousands of people to fortify the border with Parhae. In the middle of the 9th century, Parhae completed its local administrative system, which was composed of five capitals, 15 prefectures and 62 counties.

<span class="anchor" id=1></span> Fall

In 907, Parhae came into conflict with the Khitan Liao dynasty because of the decision of the Khitans near modern Chifeng and Tongliao, who recognized the supremacy of Parhae, to become part of the Liao dynasty. The Liao ruler Abaoji took possession of the Liao River basin, which led to a long conflict. Some Parhae aristocrats were forced to move to Liaoyang, but the eastern territory was recaptured by the Parhae nobles as Later Parhae, which was later renamed to Chŏngan (Ding'an). The Liao invaded Chŏngan in 975 but failed to conquer them. In 985–6, the Khitans attacked Chŏngan again, this time successfully. The last remnants of Parhae resistance from the former state of Chŏngan were destroyed by 999.

Some scholars considered the eruption of Mount Paektu in the 930–940s to have dealt a final blow to the surviving forces of Parhae based on records of massive population displacement of Parhae people to the Liaodong peninsula of the Khitan empire and the Korean peninsula of Goryeo. However this theory has lost popularity in Korea in recent times and Russian scholars do not consider it a plausible reason for Parhae's collapse. The most paramount reason seems to have been military confrontation with a superior power, the Khitans.

The Old Book of Tang stated that the kingdom originally had around 100,000 households and tens of thousands of soldiers, suggesting a population of around 500,000.

Later history

Goryeo

Though Parhae was lost, a great portion of the royalty and aristocracy fled to Goryeo, including Tae Kwanghyŏn, the last crown prince. They were granted land and the crown prince was given the family name Wang (), the royal family name of the Goryeo dynasty, and included in the royal household by Wang Geon, who was crowned as Taejo of Goryeo. Koreans believe Goryeo thus unified the two successor nations of Goguryeo. Some other members of the Parhae royalty took the surname Tae (). According to Alexander Kim, Goryeo's statistical information shows that more than 100,000 Parhae people moved to Goryeo at different points in time. As descendants of Goguryeo, the Parhae people and the Goryeo dynasts were related. Taejo of Goryeo felt a strong familial kinship with Parhae, calling it his "relative country" and "married country", and protected the Parhae refugees. This was in stark contrast to Later Silla, which had endured a hostile relationship with Parhae. Taejo displayed strong animosity toward the Khitans who had destroyed Parhae. The Liao dynasty sent 30 envoys with 50 camels as a gift in 942, but Taejo exiled the envoys to an island and starved the camels under a bridge, in what is known as the "Manbu Bridge Incident". Taejo proposed to Gaozu of Later Jin that they attack the Khitans in retribution for Parhae, according to the Zizhi Tongjian.

Exodus en masse on part from the Parhae refugees would continue on at least until the early 12th century during the reign of King Yejong, according to Korean scholars. Due to this constant massive influx of Parhae refugees, the Goguryeo population is speculated to have become dominant in proportion compared to their Silla and Baekje counterparts that have experienced devastating war and political strife since the advent of the Later Three Kingdoms. Later Baekje fared only little better than Later Silla before its fall in 936. Meanwhile, of the three capitals of Goryeo, two were Kaesong and Pyongyang which were initially populated by Goguryeoic settlers from the Paeseo Region () and Parhae.

Crossley believes that according to Goryeo records, Parhae refugees only arrived in groups of a few hundred to a few thousand. She suggests that the total number could not exceed 100,000, while millions remained in Liao-controlled territories. According to Crossley, it is also unclear whether they stayed, returned to Parhae, or moved on elsewhere, such as China or Japan. Historian Professor Park Jong-gi estimated that 120,600 people fled from Parhae to Goryeo, and by themselves comprised approximately 6.3% of early Goryeo's roughly 2 million inhabitants.

According to Kim, many Parhae refugees fled to Goryeo due to pro-Parhae policies during the mid 9th century. In the first few decades after Parhae's fall, Parhae refugees were welcomed by Goryeo. However, it seems few Parhae refugees retained high positions in Goryeo as service in the Khitan administration offered more benefits. Goryeo annals contain only six names of high-ranking officials who were of Parhae origin. From 1029 to 1030, the Khitan Administration was rocked by a rebellion by Parhae people after the government tried raising taxes on them. The leader of the rebellion was the Liao general Da Yanlin, a 7th generation descendant of the founder of Parhae. He arrested and killed Khitan leaders and proclaimed the establishment of a new dynasty, Xing Liao. He sent an ambassador to Goryeo requesting military support. Goryeo sent some military troops against the Liao but the Khitans repelled them and expelled the Goryeo army. Some of Goryeo's officers sought further confrontation with the Liao, but the Goryeo diplomatic corps and nobility asked the Goryeo king to exercise caution. The Goryeo king decided to abandon military activities against the Liao. Despite this, Parhae people continued to send missions to Goryeo requesting assistance. The last mission, led by Lee Kwang Rok, arrived after the destruction of the state, and Kim considers this group as refugees, not members of an ambassadorial mission. Kim believes that in the 11th century, Parhae people under the Liao started viewing Goryeo as a hostile state in which the Parhae people lacked support.

Liao dynasty

The Parhae people played a pivotal role in the politics, literature, and society of northern China under the Liao and Jin dynasties. After the dissolution of Parhae by the Khitan empire, the term "Bohai" was used through the fourteenth century to denote a subset of the populations of the Liao, Jin, and Mongol empires. The Liao Eastern Capital (Dongjing, modern-day Liaoyang, Liaoning) served as a base for monitoring the former Parhae territories. The city's residents, over 40,000 in the early tenth century, were primarily Parhae, according to a figure cited by Pamela Crossley. Tae Insŏn (Da Yinzhuan), the last Parhae king, and other members of the former royal lineage still held considerable authority in Dongdan and the Eastern Capital after Parhae's fall. Some Parhae elites, on the other hand, were integrated into the Liao aristocracy and often changed their personal identities dramatically.

According to Wittfogel and Feng, an undated Liao census puts the number of Parhae households in Liaoyang at around 100,000, which would be around half a million individuals.

After the semi-autonomous kingdom of Dongdan that had been set up in former Parhae territory was abolished in 929 and its ruler, Yelü Bei, fled in 930, Parhae's territory started to be integrated into the Liao dynasty. A large part of Parhae's administrative structure was dismantled and the Liao sent Han and Khitan settlers, most of whom were soldiers, to colonize former Parhae territory. However, the region was treated as a tributary state for tax purposes. An annual payment of 1,000 horses and 150,000 bolts of cloth was levied on the region, but monopoly taxes on salt and wine did not exist, and there were only minimal taxes on commerce. In the 1020s, the Southern Establishment which administered the settled areas of the Liao dynasty tried to extend its taxation system to the Parhae people of the defunct Dongdan kingdom who previously only had to pay the reduced tribute payment. The Parhae people were ordered to build boats to transport grain to the Southern Capital. The journey was dangerous and many boats were lost, leading to resentment.

In the summer of 1029, a distant descendant of Parhae royalty, Da Yanlin, rebelled at the Eastern Capital. He imprisoned minister Xiao Xiaoxian and his wife, killed the tax commissioners and chief military commander, and declared his own Xing Liao dynasty (興遼國/흥료국). He requested aid from Goryeo, who sent forces against Liao only to be repelled. Further ambassadors were sent by Xing Liao to Goryeo seeking aid but Goryeo refused to help them owing to the advice of nobles and scholars to the Goryeo king. Four groups of ambassadors were sent but the last group remained in Goryeo rather than return. Other Parhae people serving in the Liao military also refused to join Xing Liao. Instead only a handful of Jurchens joined his regime. Many participants of the rebellion probably realized the weakness of the new dynasty and fled to Goryeo before its collapse. A year later, one of Da Yanlin's officers betrayed him and opened the Eastern Capital's gates to the Khitans. His short lived dynasty came to an end. The old Parhae nobility were resettled near the Supreme Capital while others fled to Goryeo.

In 1114, Parhae descendants took advantage of the Jurchen-Khitan war and rebelled under the leadership of Gu Yu, who commanded 30,000 soldiers. They defeated Khitan armies twice before they were destroyed. In 1116 another rebellion occurred at the Eastern Capital when a Parhae officer named Gao Yongchang declared himself emperor of the Yuan dynasty and requested aid from the Jin. Liao troops sent to quash the rebellion were themselves led by those of Parhae descent. The Jin relief troops to Yuan easily repulsed the Liao troops but then turned on the Parhae rebels and killed Gao Yongchang.

The distinction between Parhae and Jurchen rebellions was not always clear to the Liao. In the 1117 epitaph of an officer who died while fighting against Jurchens in 1114, the Parhae and Jurchens were mentioned in connection to each other and placed within a similar category.

Jin dynasty

The Khitans themselves eventually succumbed to the Jurchen people, the descendants of the Mohe, who founded the Jin dynasty. Jurchen proclamations emphasized the common descent of the Parhae and Jurchens from the seven Wuji (勿吉) tribes. The Jin sent two Parhae representatives to recruit "people from their home area" while bearing a message that "The Jurchen and Bohai are originally of the same family; as we rise in arms to smite the wicked, [harm] will not unjustly reach the innocent." The fourth, fifth and seventh emperors of Jin were mothered by Parhae consorts. Nevertheless, the 13th century census of Northern China by the Mongols distinguished Parhae people who belonged to the Khitan Empire from other ethnic groups such as Goryeo, Khitans and Jurchens.

A Song observer notes that during the Liao era, Parhae people were not employed in the government, as a result they were the first to defect to the Jin. The call for Parhae defectors was met with significant success. Aguda was advised by a Parhae man named Yang Pu who aided him in establishing an imperial court. Another Parhae man named Gao Qinyi became the advisor of Wanyan Zonghan, a Jurchen general and close friend of Aguda. An 1125 embassy noted that Jin protocol officers included Khitans, Jurchens, as well as Parhae. They all spoke Chinese. Michael J. Seth also argues that Parhae was multi-cultural, and believes archaeological evidence suggests that the Parhae culture was an amalgamation of High Tang Chinese, Korean, and Tungusic cultures. Archaeological findings demonstrate hat Parhae culture contained elements from Mohe, Goguryeo, Turkic, as well as Tang Chinese cultures. However, scholars from Japan, China, Russia and Korea emphasize some components over the others because of their national backgrounds.

Han Ciu-cheol believes that many of Goguryeo's tradition were continued by Parhae, such as the use of Ondol heating systems in Parhae's royal palaces as well as the use of stone lined tombs, stone chambers and stone coffins used by Goguryeo's ruling class. According to Japanese historian Shiratori Kurakichi, 26 of the 85 emissaries dispatched to Japan by Parhae bore the typical Goguryeo surname of Ko (Go), which is still commonly used in Korea, indicating a substantial Goguryeo presence in Parhae culture.

Features of tombs in the capitals and in the broader Parhae landscape have been ascribed to Mohe or Tang cultural influences. According to Wei Cuncheng, early Parhae tombs outside the capitals were earthen pits, which Chinese and Japanese scholars have interpreted as a sign of Mohe culture. On the other hand, Yun Jae-Woon argues that the earthen pit tombs were simply the dominant style among Parhae commoners. In early Japanese excavations of the Parhae capital's tombs and in later Chinese scholarship, the practices of joint burial for family members and reburial were identified as similar to the Sumo Mohe. Late in Parhae history, single-chambered brick tombs appeared. Chinese scholars see both the brick tombs and their depiction of Parhae elites in paintings as signs of Tang influence.

Sloane and Dieter Kuhn caution against assigning ethnicity to Parhae using architectural features as proof. Kuhn states that architectural types are not a reliable indicator of identity and points out that the Khitan Liao dynasty's architecture is completely based on Tang and Parhae precedents, with no distinctive "Khitan" elements. Architectural styles can be limited based on the environment, techniques and materials available. Certain structures such as pit dwellings could have been preferred in Parhae as a practical solution to low temperatures and to protect against the wind, rather than because of the occupants' ethnicity. Some Russian scholars believe that no materials exist that can confirm Parhae's exact ethnic makeup.

A record of the journey of Hong Hao (1088–1155) in Jin territory describes the Parhae people as primarily martial and not adherent to Confucian norms. Parhae women were described as "fiercely jealous" and prevented the men from deviating from martial fidelity. Parhae men were described as "full of cunning, surpassing other nations in courage, such that there exists a saying 'Three Bohai are a match for a tiger.'" Some Parhae people practiced Buddhism. However Parhae cultural markers evidently did not deviate to the point of preventing assimilation into neighboring societies. There was widespread usage of "Chinese" style surnames in Parhae and no distinct cultural marker prevented them from integrating into Chinese literati society. There is no evidence of any friction in this process. Other cultural markers such as martial traditions may have also facilitated the adoption of Mongol, Tatar, and Jurchen backgrounds.

<span class="anchor" id=2></span> Society

According to Korean scholars and other historians, Mohe made up the working class which served the Goguryeo ruling class. Some historians believe that ethnic conflicts between the ruling Goguryeos and underclass Mohe weakened the state. Other historians offer dissenting views. Han Ciu-cheol agreed that Mohe people were the majority of Parhae's population but disagreed that they were any different from Goguryeo or Parhae. According to Han, the origins of "Malgal" and "Mulgil" lie in the Goguryeo language, and "the Malgal language and customs were the same as those of Goguryeo and Balhae."

On the other hand, the Russian historian Polutov believes that Goguryeo descendants did not have political dominance, and the ruling system was open to all people equally. Its ruling structure was based on the military leader-priestly management structure of the Mohe tribes and also partly adapted elements from the Chinese system. After the 8th century, Parhae became more centralized, and power was consolidated around the king and the royal family.

The class system of Parhae society is controversial. Some studies suggest there was a stratified and rigid class system similar to those of the related Korean kingdoms and pre-Qin northern China. Elites tended to belong to large extended aristocratic family lines designated by surnames. The commoners in comparison had no surnames at all, and upward social mobility was virtually impossible as class and status were codified into a caste system. Other studies have shown there was a clan system but no clear division of classes existed, whereas the position of the clan leader depended on the strength of the clan. Any member of the clan could become the clan leader if he had sufficient authority. There were also religiously privileged shaman clans. The clan struggles were also partly due to growing Tang influence and different attitudes toward further Sinicization. The main part of society in Parhae was free in a personal capacity and consisted of clans.

By the time of the state's demise, the Parhae mode of living had come to resemble that of the northern Chinese. The Liao dynasty classified the Parhae population as Han in legal and taxation contexts, the same as those whose ancestry was traced to the Tang empire. Some Mohe groups did not adopt this manner of life and were excluded from the Liao's designation of Parhae. Instead, they remained as Mohe, and would become an important source of the Jurchen people in the future.

During the reign of King Mun of Parhae, the state adopted and modified the Tang dynasty’s Three Departments and Six Ministries system.

Parhae's aristocrats and nobility traveled to the Tang capital of Chang'an on a regular basis as ambassadors and students, many of whom went on to pass the imperial examinations. Three students are recorded in 833 and a royal nephew in 924. Although Parhae was a tributary state of the Tang dynasty, it followed its own independent path, not only in its internal policies, but also in its foreign relations. Furthermore, it regarded itself as an empire, and sent ambassadors to neighbor states such as Japan in an independent capacity. A record on a Buddhist statue from 834 confirms that Parhae viewed its rulers as consisting of kings and great kings. Epitaphs of Parhae royal members such as a princess and the wife of a Parhae ruler state that the ruler was a "great king" or an emperor.

Parhae ruled its vast territory through a system of five capitals (gyeong), fifteen provinces (bu), and sixty-two prefectures (ju), appointing dodeok to the prefectures and jasa to the counties, while local leaders governed the smaller villages. Parhae's original capital was at Dongmo Mountain in modern Dunhua, Jilin Province, China. In 742 it was moved to the Central Capital in Helong, Jilin. It was moved to the Upper Capital in Ning'an, Heilongjiang in 755, to the Eastern Capital in Hunchun, Jilin in 785, and back to the Upper Capital in 794. Sanggyong (Upper Capital) was organized in the way of the Tang capital of Chang'an. Residential sectors were laid out on either side of the palace surrounded by a rectangular wall. The same layout was also implemented by other East Asian capitals of the time.

Military

Parhae's military organization consisted of a central army divided into ten guard units (wi, 衛) responsible for protecting the royal palace and the capital. Local militias were organized in the 15 local provinces (bu) for other regions according to the regional administrative structures, with local officials commanding them. Independent troops were stationed at key border points for defense.

The development of Parhae's military system can be broadly divided into three phases. The first phase involved establishing administrative systems for the newly expanded territories during the early stages of the kingdom's founding. The second phase saw the establishment of the ten guards as recorded in the Xin Tangshu (New Book of Tang). In contrast, the third phase occurred after the envoy Wang Zhongwu reported on Parhae's military situation following his visit.

Parhae expanded its territory by conquering the Mohe (Malgal) tribes in Manchuria, Primorsky Krai, the Amur River region, and along the coast of the Sea of Japan, during which many fortresses were built. Some of these include the Palryeonseong, Mariyanovka Fortress, Cheonghaeto Fortress, Koksharovka Fortress Site, Kraskino Fortress Site, Nikolayevka Fortress Site in Partizansk, Suchanluha Fortress Site, Bittik Mountain Fortress Site, Ryuzanka Fortress Site, Usti-Chornaya Fortress Site, Namusurisk Fortress Site, Korsakovka Fortress Site, and Novgorodeyev Fortress Site.

First phase

The first phase was a period during which the overall system was established, and this period firmly retained the legacy of Goguryeo, with military and administrative functions often overlapping. Volume 193 of Ruijū Kokushi records that "Parhae spans 2,000 li in all directions, and no prefectures or counties exist. Villages are scattered throughout, mostly Malgal settlements. The people are mostly Malgal, and few are native. All the natives are made village chiefs, with large villages appointing a Dudu/Dudok (都督, Governor) and smaller ones appointing a Cishi/Jasa (刺史, Prefect), while the rest of the leaders are called Shouling/Suryong (首領, Chiefs)." The Dudok or Jasa were likely regional administrative officials of Parhae, such as the Yakheolju Dudok, Mokjeoju Jasa, and Hyeontoju Jasa. Since this was an early period when the system was still being established, remnants of the former Goguryeo dynasty's institutions were still present in many areas, and the division of the entire country was still incomplete. Therefore, in military terms, troops were dispatched mainly to tense situations.

Through the continued territorial expansion during the reigns of King Go and King Mu, Parhae's territorial boundaries were secured, and the government structure was reorganized and completed by acquiring territory, population, and tax revenues. Considering that the initial military force at the time of Parhae's founding was only a few thousand, Parhae likely needed to make overall adjustments to the expanded territory and population. Parhae, which had borders with powerful neighboring states like the Tang Dynasty, the Turks, the Khitans, the Heishui Mohe, and Silla, faced deteriorated relations with its neighbors due to its early aggressive conquests. Moreover, having witnessed the fall of Goguryeo, the dominant power in the previous era, Parhae needed to strengthen and reorganize its military. Therefore, this period can be seen as when Parhae laid the foundation for establishing a new system based on Goguryeo's legacy over the expanded territory.

Second phase

The second phase saw the establishment of central departments and the ten guards, as recorded in the New Book of Tang. The Zhengtangsheng/Jeongdangseong (政堂省), one of the three central departments, managed the military, recruitment, maps, war chariots, and weapons through the subordinate department known as the Zhibu/Jibu (智部). Subordinate to the Jibu were practical departments such as the Rongbu/Yongbu (戎部) and Shuibu/Subu (水部). For example, Yang Seung-gyeong, who was sent as an envoy to Japan in 758, held the central position of Boguk Daejanggun and Janggun (輔國大將軍兼將軍) and the regional position of Mokjeoju Jasa (木底州刺史), and he was also involved in managing national defense. However, the origins of these titles are difficult to trace, as they do not appear in the central official system. This indicates that Parhae organized its military by establishing the Jibu as the central department responsible for military affairs and its subordinate departments like the Yongbu or the Byeongseo (兵書).

Parhae had ten guards, including the "Left and Right Mengbenwei/Mangbunwi (猛賁衛), Left and Right Xiongwei/Ungwi (熊衛), Left and Right Piwei/Biwi (羆衛), Left and Right Nanwei/Namwi (南衛), and Left and Right Beiwei/Bukwi (北衛)." However, he also believes that the vast majority of the Parhae population were probably Tungusic, and at least partially Jurchen-speaking. One term that the people of Parhae used to describe "a king" was Gadokbu, which is related to the words kadalambi (management) of the Manchu language and kadokuotto of the Nanai language. Some Korean historians believe that a record in Shoku Nihongi implies that the Parhae and Silla language were mutually intelligible: a student sent from Silla to Japan for Japanese language interpreter training assisted a diplomatic envoy from Parhae in communicating with the audience of a Japanese court.

Diplomatic missions between Parhae, Japan and the Tang dynasty were primarily conducted in the Chinese language. Based on administrative and diplomatic records, a number of Japanese historians and linguists have further suggested that Chinese was the lingua franca of Parhae. Classical Chinese was the language used in diplomatic documents and poetry exchanged with Japan. It was also used for the two unearthed tomb inscriptions of members of the Parhae royal family.

Excavated epigraphic materials indicate that the Chinese script was the only widely used script in Parhae. According to Russian scientific research, the Parhae writing system is based on Chinese characters, and among the characters used, many were used only in the state "Wu". However, the recording was phonetic. Some of the names of Parhae's emissaries were similar to Chinese names while others were unique to Parhae: Wodala, Zhaoheshi, and Nansali. The unique Parhae names were the minority. While most Parhae inscriptions consist of common Chinese characters, Vovin has identified a small number of characters that are only found elsewhere in the Jurchen script. Based on these findings, Vovin believes that the Parhae script was a prototype of the Jurchen script, but also notes that because Parhae was a multi-ethnic state, the Jurchen-related characters could have also been used to transcribe Korean names. Whaling was also done, albeit this was mostly done as tribute to the Tang. Parhae sent a large number of envoys to Japan, called . Fur from Parhae was exported to Japan while textile products and precious metals, such as gold and mercury, were imported from Japan. In Japan, the fur of the 貂 (ten, i.e. sable or other marten) was very valuable due to its popularity among Japanese aristocrats. Similarly, Parhae builders used Japanese fortification techniques with prevailing Japanese culture in their construction of the . Parhae's musical works Shinmaka () have been preserved by the Japanese court.

Controversies

The historic position of Parhae is disputed between Korean, Chinese, Russian, and Japanese historians. Korean scholars consider Parhae to be the successor state of Goguryeo, and part of the Northern and Southern States period of Korean history. Chinese scholars argue that Parhae was a local administration of the Tang dynasty and composed of Mohe people, making it a part of Chinese history due to its close cultural and political ties with Tang China. The Russian position views Parhae as a state of primarily Mohe people, while Japanese scholars consider it a tributary state.

Media

Parhae features in the Korean film Shadowless Sword, which is about the last prince of Parhae. The Korean TV drama Dae Jo-yeong, which aired from 16 September 2006, to 23 December 2007, was about the founder of Parhae.

Parhae is the name of the lunar research facility in the Korean TV series, The Silent Sea.

Notes

References

Bibliography

孫玉良 (1992). 渤海史料全編. 吉林文史出版社

External links

Britannica Concise Encyclopedia
Columbia Encyclopedia
U.S. Library of Congress: Country Studies
Metropolitan Museum of Art
Bohai Kingdom in academia
Bohai country Research Center 渤海国交流研究センター
Han's Palhae of Korea 한규철의 발해사 연구실
History of Bohai country Государство Бохай (698-926 гг.)