() was a system of mandatory labor service in the Inca Empire, as well as in Spain's empire in America. Mit'a (federal work) was effectively a form of tribute to the Inca government in the form of labor, i.e. a corvée. Tax labor accounted for much of the Inca state tax revenue; beyond that, it was used for the construction of the road network, bridges, agricultural terraces, and fortifications in ancient Peru. Military service was also mandatory.

All citizens who could perform labor were required to do so for a set number of days out of a year (the basic meaning of the word is a regular 'turn' or a 'season'). The Inca Empire's wealth meant a family often needed only 65 days to farm; the rest of the year was devoted entirely to the . was repurposed by the Spanish Crown in 1573, drafting one-seventh of the adult male population to work in mines. The war took men from their to serve in the state armies. All labor in the Andean world was performed as a rotational service, whether for maintaining the , roads, bridges or for guarding the storehouses or other such tasks. The craftspeople enjoyed a special status in the Inca state. Although they worked for the state, they did not take part in the agricultural or war . The agrarian was distinct from the fishing , and these labor groups never intervened in each other's occupations. In the of Chincha, the fishermen numbered ten thousand, and went to sea in turns, the rest of the time enjoying themselves by dancing and drinking. The Spaniard criticized them as lazy drunkards because they did not go to sea daily and all at once. The mining was also fulfilled at the level of , of the local lord, and, in the last instance, of the state.

The significance of the term goes beyond that of the system for organizing labor. It contains a certain Andean philosophical concept of eternal repetition. The constellation of the Pleiades, called ('little goats') by the Spaniards, were known as (Quechua for 'disease', Hispanicized ) during the rainy season , and as (Quechua for 'storehouse') during the season of harvest and abundance. The seasons were divided into the dry and the rainy . The day succeeded the night in a repetition that reflected an ordering of time that the natives conceptualized as a cyclical organizational system of order and chaos.

Categorization of lands

During the Inca period, people were mostly dependent on the cultivation of their land. All the fields of the Empire were divided into four categories: the Field of the Temple, the Emperor, (Curacas), and People. Fields of the people were fields that belonged to the sick, widows, the elderly, wives of the soldiers and that of his own land.

At the beginning of plowing time, people started to work first at the fields of widows, of sick people and of wives of the soldiers under the direction of the village overseers. Then, they worked on their own field. Next, they worked on the temples' fields and fields and finally, they set to work on the emperor's fields. While they worked on the emperor's field, they typically wore their best dress and men and women chanted songs in praise to the Inca.

When people were engaged in war, their fields were cultivated by people engaged in . That way, soldiers would go to war with their fields and family secured and protected, which enhanced the loyalty and the focus on the part of Incan soldiers.

Spanish rule

Under the viceroyalty of Francisco de Toledo, communities were required to provide one seventh of their male labor force at any given time for public works, mines and agriculture. The system became an intolerable burden on the Inca communities and abuses were common. Complaints and revolts occurred and new laws were passed by Philip III but they only had a limited effect. The Inca and Spanish served different purposes. The Inca provided public goods, such as maintenance of road networks and sophisticated irrigation and cropping systems that required intercommunity coordination of labor. The majority of Inca subjects performed their obligations in or near their home communities, often in agriculture; service in mines was extremely rare. In contrast, the Spanish acted as a subsidy to private mining interests and the Spanish nation, which used tax revenues from silver production largely to finance European wars.

A 2021 study in the Journal of Economic History found that the colonial system in Peru caused the decimation of the male native-born population. According to David Brading, assignment to the mines was considered worse than the death sentence so that many rather ended their own life than comply. Already in the 17th century, Juan de Solórzano Pereyra argued that mining was excessively cruel and should be abolished and mining replaced with domestically useful production.

Working in mines

The Spanish conquistadors also used the same labor system to supply the workforce they needed for the silver mines, which was the basis of their economy in the colonial period. Under the leadership of Viceroy Francisco de Toledo, who was dispatched to Peru in 1569, the system greatly expanded as Toledo sought to increase silver outputs from the Potosí silver mine.

Toledo recognized that without a steady, reliable and inexpensive source of labor, mining would not be able to grow at the speed that the Spanish crown had requested. Under Toledo's leadership, the first recruits arrived in Potosí in 1573 from the regions directly surrounding the Potosí mine. At its peak, recruitment for the Potosí extended to an area that was nearly and included much of southern Peru and present-day Bolivia.

The conquistadors used the concept of to suit their own needs. The is considered to be the ancient and original version of mandatory state service. The Spanish system had severe impacts on the native population, which was of able-bodied workers at a time while their communities were experiencing demographic collapse. It also resulted in natives fleeing their communities to evade the . With fewer workers able to work the fields, the farming production went down, resulting in famine and malnutrition for many native communities in the region.

Research by Melissa Dell found that the mining resulted in negative long-term effects for the regions where it occurred. This included lower levels of education and household consumption, less developed road networks, and a decrease in public good provision (due to there being very few , whose owners generally supported greater provision of public goods). Abad and Maurer (2025) have challenged these results. Their research shows that there are no long-term effects in modern Peru or in the area studied by Dell when historically accurate coding of coerced labor locations are taken into account. The elites were the ones who were lobbying for roads as many as possible, and empirical evidence links roads to increased market participation and higher household income.

The fact that farmers from districts do not have greater access to paved roads means that they are unable to transport crops to larger, regional markets. It is unlikely that these farmers simply do not wish to participate in the market. In the case of Peru, throughout the 1980s, Shining Path, as part of their Maoist ideology, attempted to turn farmers away from commercial farming; their efforts were largely unpopular and met with resistance.

More recently, in 2004, residents of Ilave, a district, lynched their local mayor, in part for his inability to follow through with promises to pave the town's access road and build a local market. Overall, former districts suffer from lower economic performance, as demonstrated by generally lower household consumption and increased rates of stunted growth. Without haciendas to compete with the more exploitative Spanish system, districts were subjected to greater economic and health pressures from their labor. Melissa Dell has shown that the repercussions of this disparity have persisted past the end of the system as districts were less integrated with the greater road network.

Government application in modern Peru

The only example of re-applying the Inca-style in a modern state, as a government policy, occurred in Peru during the two Popular Action governments under President Fernando Belaúnde Terry (1963–1968 and 1980–1985). Under this government, a state institution called ('Popular Cooperation') was launched, strongly inspired by the strategy of labor tribute in the Incan . During the ten years this institution operated, more infrastructure projects were accomplished in Peru than in most of the 140-year Republican era (from 1821 to 1963). The results were hundreds of kilometers of roads, aqueducts, communal and municipal works and other infrastructure pieces.

The principle of the institution was quite simple: given the rather scarce economic resources of the Peruvian state in the early 1960s, the public works that this institution would do should have been "co-financed" by the beneficiaries, namely through contributions of labor.

In any given public works project in Peru, it is estimated that between 60 and 70% of the cost goes to the acquisition of materials, and the remaining 30–40% are labor costs. Applying the principle of the Incan mit'a, the government fronted the acquisition of goods, and the beneficiaries provided the labor services without salary; this allowed the Peruvian state to save 30–40% for public works during this period – these savings were invested in further public works projects. The beneficiaries in turn contributed their communal workforce in exchange for accelerated development of their communities and the expansion of infrastructure in Peru.

South Korean commission

In 1964, the government of South Korea became aware of the significant results achieved in Peru, and sent a commission to meet with the Peruvian government. The commission studied the methodology and organization of the Peruvian labor tribute institution and the feasibility of applying it to the Republic of Korea. After a few months in Peru, the commission returned to South Korea and rolled out their own modern version of the Incan to Korean production systems, including the manufacturing industry. The results obtained in Korea were even more positive than those obtained in Peru due to a different development approach.

See also

  • Ayni (Quechuan personal reciprocity)
  • Repartimiento
  • Encomienda

Notes

References

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