Marabout

In the Muslim world, the marabout () is a descendant of Muhammad (Arabic: سـيّد, romanized: sayyid and sidi in the Maghreb) and a Muslim religious leader and teacher who historically had the function of a chaplain serving as a part of an Islamic army, notably in North Africa and the Sahara region, in West Africa, and historically in the Maghreb.

The marabout is often a scholar of the Quran, or religious teacher. Others may be wandering holy men who survive on alms or as spiritual directors of Muslim religious communities, often as muršid ('guide') of Sufi orders. The term marabout is also used for the mausolea of such religious leaders (cf. maqām, mazār, in Palestine also walī/velī).

West Africa

Muslim religious teachers

thumb|Picture of a marabout in the [[Republic of Upper Volta (now Burkina Faso) ]]

Muslim Sufi brotherhoods were one of the main organizing forms of Islam in precolonial West Africa, and with the spread of Sufism into the area, the marabout's role combined with local practices throughout Senegambia, the Niger River Valley, and the Futa Jallon. Here, Sufi Muslim believers follow a marabout, elsewhere known as a muršid ('guide'). The term marabout was also adopted by French colonial officials, and applied to most any imam, Muslim teacher, or secular leader who appealed to the Islamic tradition.

Today marabouts can be traveling holy men men who survive on alms, religious teachers who take in young talibes at Quranic schools, or distinguished Muslim religious leaders and scholars, both in and out of the Sufi brotherhoods which dominate the Islamic spiritual life in Senegambia.

In the Muslim brotherhoods of Senegal, marabouts are organized in elaborate hierarchies; the highest marabout of the Mourides, for example, has been elevated to the status of a "caliph" or "ruler of the faithful" (Amir al-Mu'minin). Older, North African-based Sufi brotherhoods such as the Tijaniyyah and the Qadiriyyah base their structures on respect for teachers and religious leaders who, south of the Sahara, often are called marabouts. Those who devote themselves to prayer or study, either based in communities, religious centers, or wandering in the larger society, are named marabouts. In Senegal and Mali, these marabouts rely on donations to live. Often there is a traditional bond to support a specific marabout that has accumulated over generations within a family. Marabouts normally dress in traditional West African robes and live a simple, ascetic life.

Syncretic spiritualists

The spread in sub-Saharan Africa of the marabout's role from the 8th through 13th centuries created in some places a mixture of roles with pre-Islamic priests, local healers, and diviners.

Political influence

Pre-French colonization

Marabouts have been prominent members of Wolof society since the arrival of Sufi brotherhoods from the Maghreb in the 15th century. Their advanced knowledge of the Quran and esteemed reputation have often allowed them to act as traders, priests, judges, or magicians in conjunction with their roles of community religious leaders. Additionally, because of their ability to read and write, village chiefs would frequently appoint marabouts as secretaries or advisers as a means to communicate with neighboring rulers. Since the judgment of marabouts is so influential, the success or failure of a politician would be almost entirely contingent on the support of more prominent marabouts. Because of this, politicians would try to appease marabouts by agreeing to promote their Sufi brotherhood's best interests in turn for their endorsement, with some politicians believing that winning an election would be impossible without the support of a marabout. Along with endorsing certain politicians in exchange for favors, French colonial administrators sought out marabouts and heads of Sufi brotherhoods to act as intermediaries between colonial administrators and West African Muslims to ensure appropriate allocation of power and resources to avoid any potential conflict.

Post-independence

thumb|Marabouts reciting [[Al-Fatiha during a baptism in Niger]]

After Senegal gained its independence from France in 1960, marabouts and leaders of Sufi Brotherhoods (also marabouts), or the Khalife-Général, have continued to play influential roles in Senegalese politics. Some have questioned the utility of having clientelist relationships between marabouts and government officials in a modern democracy. The new "grandson" generation of marabouts has cultivated a more independent and secular political outlook and have proven that they are willing to question the authority of their predecessors. In Senegal's 1988 presidential election, Khalife-Général Abdou Lahatte Mbakke supported Abdou Diouf for reelection. Both as public endorsement and as a reward for installing new roads and street lamps in Touba while in office, the Khalife-Général declared a ndiggël (a binding command issued by the Khalife-Général to all members of the Mouride Brotherhood) that proclaimed that all men must vote for Diouf. Although multiple Khalife-Général have issued ndiggël politique<nowiki/>' in support of a presidential candidate in previous elections, several marabouts of the "grandson" generation openly rejected the command by voting for the opposition instead. These marabouts believed that the ndiggël violated their secular political rights, which was a sentiment shared among many other Mourides in Touba. In creating and maintaining these networks, marabouts act as electoral brokers during elections, usually being the deciding factor of what parties can mobilize local support. Marabout’s institutional influence has contributed to Senegal’s pathway to democratization.

Marabouts in Patronage-Clientelism

While Senegal has maintained multiparty institutions for decades, early democratization was controlled by a patronage-clientelism system between political leaders/elites and Sufi authorities. Senegal’s democratization is not just a simple transition from traditional practice to modern politics. It is a process that integrates attributes of negotiation, coexistence, and adaptation between religious elites (marabouts) and democratic institutions. Patronage ties between politicians and marabouts shape how resources are distributed to local communities, how political participation is mobilized, and how legitimacy is constructed in public life.

Political elites sought endorsements from marabouts in exchange for state resources, a variety of development projects, or favors in order to gain votes. Politicians have granted marabouts favors such as water and electricity during religious events they may be hosting, like the Grand Magal of Touba, an annual pilgrimage of the Sufi brotherhoods. Some go as far as distributing diplomatic passports, or pilgrimage to Mecca. In the 1980s and 1990s, during the height of political liberalization, Sufi leaders had contradicting roles. On one hand, some marabouts encouraged communities to be politically involved and sought the distribution of power. Others maintained close personal ties with elites, helping weaken potential opposition movements rather than confrontational forms of politics. This dual role that marabouts played in Senegal, some mobilizing voters while others discouraging political radicalism, enabled the persistence of democratic institutions, but at the same time, limited the power of autonomous civil society organizations. While marabouts kept democracies going, this created a system that blocked communities from making large political changes. This constrained form of politics is what allowed marabouts to be intermediaries between political elites and communities.

Patronage-Clientelism in Rural Communities

Critics argue that the transactional changes between Sufi authorities and politicians negatively reinforce toxic social hierarchy systems. This arrangement between marabouts and politicians is described as a “patrimonial democracy,” in which democratic institutions coexist with informal systems of authority that mediate state–society relations.

Urban and rural voters in Senegal show extremely different levels of support for incumbents. Studies show that rural communities are more likely to be influenced by Sufi brotherhoods, compared to their urban counterparts. Marabouts can leverage their prestige, religious influence, and community networks to influence national decision-making, primarily in rural communities. The patron-clientelism system is a large factor for higher rural incumbent support. Incumbents have a lot of resource advantages and leverage them to gain support. It allows them to employ brokers (“Porteurs de Voix”) more effectively in rural communities. Rewards range from cash, cars, pilgrimages, and Qur’ans. In 2012, rewards went as far as allowances for 30,000 village chiefs and even 2 billion CFA sent to Touba. Politicians report that bloc voting, social pressure, and easier monitoring make rural clientelism extremely effective.

Modern-Day Political Influence

While marabout endorsements are still valuable to political leaders, urban youth movements and educated community members have created new and modern strategies for mobilization. This gives the marabouts, who were once seen as the sole mobilizers, a run for their money. This shift shows the rapid urbanization, growth in literacy rates, and rise of digital media technology, which in turn reduces marabout’s access to mobilize others.

Despite these changes, marabouts continue to serve as important political intermediaries. Their influence holds strong because Sufi brotherhoods are deeply embedded in Senegal’s society, providing welfare services, education, and informal mediation that the state does not always fully supply. Marabouts have constantly acted as mediators between political institutions and communities. This role has been shaping perceptions of legitimacy and moral authority during elections and political debates. Despite the youth seeking new agendas on voter mobilization, they continue to look up to marabouts, often seeking blessings, symbolic legitimacy, and access to community networks.

Maghreb

Marabout's tomb, southern [[Morocco|thumb]]

The term marabout appears during the Muslim conquest of the Maghreb. It is derived from the Arabic murābiṭ "one who is garrisoned": religious students and military volunteers who manned ribats at the time of the conquest. Today, marabout means "saint" in the Berber languages and in general refers to Sufi Muslim teachers who head a lodge or school called a zāwiya associated with a specific school or tradition, called a ṭarīqah "way, path" (). However, Charles de Foucauld and Albert Peyriguère, both living as Catholic hermits among Berbers in the Maghreb, were called marabouts by the local population due to their saintly lives.

The pronunciation of that word varies by language. For example, it is pronounced amrabadh in Tarifit. Marabouts are known as sidi () in Maghrebi Arabic. Many cities in Morocco got their names from local marabouts, and the name of those cities usually begins with "Sidi" followed by the name of the local marabout. Modern Standard Arabic for "saint" is "walī" ().

A marabout may also refer to a tomb ( qubba "dome") of a venerated saint, and such places have become holy centers and places of pious reflection.

Some Zāwiyas linked with specific marabouts

Morocco

In Morocco:

Sidi Ali el Goumi
Sidi Rhaj Amar (Arabda)
Sidi Allal el Behraoui
Sidi Abdelah ben Hassoun
Sidi Moulay Idriss
Sidi fath
Sidi el Arbi ben sayyeh
Sidi Ahmed Tijani
Sidi Moulay Ali
Sidi Hajj Hamza Qadiri Boutchichi
Sidi Sheikh Abdul Qadir Jilani
Sidi Abdel Kader el Alami
Sidi Moulay Ibrahim
Sidi Mohammed Ben Aissa
Sidi Ahmed Ben Idris Al-Fassi (Idrissiya and Sanoussiya)
Ahmad u Musa
Sidi Abu Lhcen Shadili
Sidi Moulay Abdeslam ibn Mchich Alami (Jbala)
Sidi Muhammad al-Arabi al-Darqawi
Sidi Muhammad ibn Sulayman al-Jazuli al-Simlali
Sidi Abu Abdallah Mohammed Amghar
Sidi Abu Abdallah al-Qaim bi Amrillah
Sidi Muhammad ben Issa al-Barnusi al-Fasi Zarruq
Sidi Moulay Outman (Khaldy-yeen, Beni Arouse), Morocco
Sidi Mbarek (Khaldy-yeen, Beni Arouse), Morocco
Sidi Heddi (Khaldy-yeen, Beni Arouse), Morocco
(alternatively) Zawiyas:
Zaouïa Naciria
Zaouïa Cherqaouia
Zaouia Aïssaouia
Zaouia Tidjaniya
Zaouia Idrissiya
Zaouia Sanoussiya
Zaouia Al Qadiriya
Zaouia Al Alamiya
Zaouia Jazouliya semlaliya
Zaouia Hamdouchia
Zaouia Sidi Outman (Khaldyeen, Beni Arouse), Morocco

thumb|A [[Toucouleur people|Toucouleur marabout (1853)]]

Algeria

In Algeria:

sidi Mohand Rezag Ou Assous from akfadou bejaia
Sidi Ahmed al Tijani of 'Aïn Madhi, around Laghouat Province founder of Tijaniyyah
Sidi Ahmed ou Saïd du hameau Mestiga, village of Adeni in Kabylia (between Tizi Ouzou and L'Arbaâ Nath Irathen)
Sidi M'hamed Bou Qobrine Founder of the Rahmaniya (Algiers and Bounouh)
Sidi Abder Rahman El Thaelebi, founder of the Thaalibiya (Algiers)
Sidi M'hend oumalek (Tifrit nait oumalek)
Sidi Moh'Ali oulhadj (Tifrit n'Aït el Hadj)
Sidi Harrat Benaissa El Idrissi (Zemmora, Relizane)
Sidi Abd-Allah ben Mançour
Sidi Abdelkader djilali (tizi-ouzou)
Sidi Abid Echerrif (Guentis)
Sidi Abou AbdAllah Ech Choudi El Halloui
Sidi A'hmed el Mejdoub
Sidi Bel Abbes (namesake of Sidi Bel Abbès)
Sidi Ben-Ali (Aïn el Hout - Tlemcen)
Sidi Ben-Ali (Nédromah)
Sidi Ben-Azzouz (Borj Ben Azzouz)
Sidi Bicinti el basco
Sidi Bou Adjami
Sidi Boudarga
Sidi Boudjemaa
Sidi Brahim
Sidi Daoudi
Sioud anta' El-Eubbad es-Saffi
Sidi En-Naceur
Sidi Et Toumi
Sidi Hamadouche
Sî ibn 'Alî Sharîf (Akbou)
Sidi Mohammed Ben Omar El Houari
Sidi Mohammed bou Semah'a,
Sidi Moh'amed Ou'l Il'afian.
Sidi Moulebhar
Sidi Qadir
Sidi Bel-Ezrag
Sidi Serhane
Sidi ghiles (tipaza)
Sidi Soumeymane Ben Abdallah
Zaouia de Sidi Benamar (Fillaoussenne)
Sidi-Wahhab
Sidi Yahia el Aidly (Akbou)
Sidi Yakkout
Oulad bel Kacem

Tunisia

In Tunisia:

Zaouïa de Sidi Ben Azzouz. Nefta
Zaouïa de Sidi Bouteffaha. Béja
Zaouïa de Sidi Salah Zlaoui. Béja
Zaouïa de Sidi Abdelkader. Béja
Zaouïa de Sidi Bou Arba. Béja
Zaouïa de Sidi Taieb. Béja
Zaouïa de Sidi Baba Ali Smadhi. Béja
Zaouïa de Sidi Ali El Mekki
Zaouïa de Sidi El Mazri. Monastir
Zaouïa de Sidi Bou Jaafar. Sousse
Zaouïa de Sidi Abdel Hamid. Sousse

France

In France:

Sidi Bel Hadj El Maafi, French-Algerian imam and marabout who saved Jews during World War II

External links

Magopinaciophilie: An article discussing Europeans who collect calling card like advertisements by "marabouts".
L'officiel du Marabout: Parisian advertisement collection.
Magopinaciophiles: A collection of French flyers.

References

Christian Coulon, Pouvoir maraboutique et pouvoir politique au Sénégal, Paris, Université de Paris, 1976, 2 vol. 594 p. (Thèse d’État, remaniée et publiée en 1981 sous le titre Le marabout et le prince. Islam et pouvoir au Sénégal, Paris, Pedone, XII-317 p.)
Bassirou Diop, Le rôle joué par les marabouts toucouleurs dans l’islamisation du Sénégal, Dakar, Université de Dakar, 1983 (Mémoire de Maîtrise)
Christopher Harrison. France and Islam in West Africa, 1860-1960, Cambridge University Press (1988)
E. Westermarck, Ritual and Belief in Morocco. London 1926.
Liliane Kuczynski. Les marabouts africains à Paris. CNRS Editions, Paris (2003)
Leonardo Alfonso Villalón. Islamic Society and State Power in Senegal: Disciples and Citizens in Fatick, Cambridge University Press, (1995)

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Ils ne demandent en général pas de salaire pour leurs actions, mais l'obligation morale tacite est de pourvoir à leur besoins, qui, dans la mesure où ils sont ascètes, se réduisent à la nourriture et à la boisson, ainsi qu'au vêtement. Ils s'interdisent de demander un salaire car c'est ainsi que Mahomet, prophète de l'islam et modèle de vie pour les musulmans sunnites, décrit la personne qui cherche à rencontrer Dieu : les prophètes, ainsi que ceux qui veulent s'inspirer de leurs vies, ne s'intéressent pas aux choses de ce monde mais accordent une importance particulière a la recherche de la vérité sur l'au-delà.

Dans le Maghreb, les marabouts sont le plus souvent musulmans. Ils basent leurs techniques sur une lecture ésotérique du Coran. L'attention est portée sur un système de numérologie assez similaire au système de la kabbale, la lecture de certains versets, aux bénédictions (fatiha). On peut même y trouver des rites animistes.

En Afrique sub-saharienne, l'usage du terme a été étendu aux prêtres, chasseurs traditionnels ou sorciers relevant de rites animistes traditionnels, vaudous ou yoruba par exemple, travaillant à guérir leurs patients d'un mal, ou aider à toute autre action sociale. Bien qu'abusif car se rapportant à des pratiques sans rapport avec l'Islam, cet usage est néanmoins devenu courant.