Lalu Prasad Yadav

Lalu Prasad Yadav He is also a former member of Parliament (MP) of the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha.

His political rise in the 1990s marked a significant shift in Bihar's social and political landscape.

He entered politics at Patna University as a student leader and, in 1977, was elected as one of the youngest members of the Lok Sabha for the Bharatiya Lok Dal of the Janata Alliance. He is disqualified from Office under the Section 8(3) of the Representation of the People Act till 6 years after his release. He is husband of former chief minister Rabri Devi and father of Tejaswini Yadav & Tej Pratap Yadav.

Early life and education

Lalu Prasad Yadav, the fifth of six sons situated along the Gopalganj-Kushinagar highway (NH-27) in Gopalganj district of Bihar. He started his education at a local middle school before moving to Patna with his older brother, Mukund Rai, who enrolled him in an upper primary school in Sheikhpura. After finishing his primary education there, he was enrolled in the Government Middle School located on the Bihar Military Police (BMP) campus, which was next to their quarters at the veterinary college campus.

Siblings

The list of siblings is in order of age.

Mangru Rai (eldest)
Gulab Rai
Mukund Rai
Mahavir Rai
Gangotri Devi (lone sister)
Lalu Prasad Yadav (himself only alive)
Sukhdeo Rai (youngest)

His father died after he completed his matriculation in 1965 from Miller High School in Patna, where he was also a passionate footballer. He changed its name to Devipad Choudhary Shaheed Smarak (Miller) Ucchya Madhyamik Vidyalaya in honour of Devipad Choudhary, who was a freedom fighter and student of the same school. He was also a NCC cadet there. According to his Lok Sabha affidavit, he obtained his I.A. (Arts) from B.N. College of Patna University the following year. However, it is noteworthy that B.N. College does not offer this course, and the program typically spans two years, yet he claims to have completed it in the same year he got enrolled there. After earning his Bachelor of Arts degree, he worked as a clerk at Bihar Veterinary College in Patna, where his eldest brother was employed as a peon. During his time there, he served as the general secretary of the Patna University Students' Union from 1970 to 1971 and later became its president from 1973 to 1974. He turned down Patna University's Honorary Doctorate in 2004.

Lalu Prasad Yadav asserts that he belongs to the Yadav caste; however, Bihar's deputy chief minister, Samrat Choudhary, Jitan Ram Manjhi, among others, have alleged that his actual caste is Gaderia.

Personal life and family

Lalu Prasad Yadav married Rabri Devi on 1 June 1973, in an arranged marriage, and they went on to have seven daughters and two sons.

The list of siblings is ordered by age:

Misa Bharti
Rohini Acharya – married to Samaresh Singh
Chanda Singh – married to Vikram Singh in 2006, a pilot in Indian Airlines
Ragini Yadav – married to Rahul Yadav, Samajwadi Party leader from Sarfabad in Noida
Hema Yadav – married to Vineet Yadav
Tej Pratap Yadav – former Environment, Forest and Climate Change Minister of Bihar
Rajlaxmi Singh Yadav – married to Tej Pratap Singh Yadav
Tejashwi Yadav – former Deputy Chief Minister of Bihar.

Political career

1970–1990: Student leader and youngest MP

thumb|right|Lalu Prasad addressing [[Yuva Janata Dal in Nayagaon, Sonpur in 1988]]

In 1970, Lalu entered student politics as the general secretary of the Patna University Students' Union (PUSU), becoming its president in 1973, where he became sufficiently close to the Janata Party (JP) leaders to become the winning candidate in the 1977 Lok Sabha election from Chapra at the age of 29. Muslims, who had traditionally served as Congress (I) vote bank, shifted their support to Lalu after the 1989 Bhagalpur violence. He became popular among the young voters of Bihar.

1990–1997: Lalu Prasad as Chief Minister of Bihar

In 1990, the Janata Dal came to power in Bihar. PM V. P. Singh wanted former chief minister Ram Sundar Das to lead the government, The slogan "Bhurabal saaf karo" (remove upper caste) was reportedly used as a pejorative during Lalu Prasad's first tenure as Chief Minister of Bihar in the early 1990s to call for the wipeout of upper castes. The term bhurabal literally translates to "brown hair," but serves as an acronym for Bhumihar, Rajput, Brahmin, and Lala (Kayastha), referring to the four prominent upper castes in the state.

The World Bank lauded his party for its work in the 1990s on the economic front. In 1993, Lalu adopted a pro-English policy and pushed for the re-introduction of English as a language in school curriculum, contrary to the angrezi hatao (banish English) policy of then Uttar Pradesh CM Mulayam Singh Yadav. The policy of opposition to English was considered an anti-elite policy since both the leaders represented the same social constituents – the backward castes, dalits and minority communities. Lalu continued to be Bihar CM. but lost in 1999 general election to Sharad Yadav.

thumb|right|Lalu Prasad sitting with [[Kapildev Prasad Singh|Kapildev Singh in Pokharpur during his arrival in Nalanda in 2003]]

2000–2005: Rabri Devi as Chief Minister of Bihar

In 2002, Lalu was elected to the Rajya Sabha, where he stayed until 2004. In 2000, the RJD again formed the government with Rabri Devi as the CM. Except for the brief presidential rule and 7 days term of Nitish Kumar, the RJD remained in power in Bihar until 2005. In total, RJD won 21 seats and it allied with Indian National Congress becoming second-largest member of UPA I after Congress. Lalu became the Minister of Railways in the 2004 UPA Government. Later, he gave up the Madhepura seat won by Pappu Yadav.

As railway minister, Lalu left passenger fares untouched and focused on other sources of revenue for the railways. He penalised the use of thermocol plastic cups from being used to serve tea at railway stations and replaced those with Kulhars (pottery cups), in order to generate more employment in rural areas which failed miserably due to socio-economic reasons. Later, he also said that he had plans to introduce buttermilk and khādī linen. He also introduced cushion seats in all unreserved compartments. In June 2004, he announced that he would get on the railway himself to inspect its problems and went on to board the train from Patna Railway station at midnight. During this tenure he is accused to have committed 2005 Indian Railway tender scam.

When he took over, the Indian Railways was a loss-making organisation. In the years under his leadership, he claimed a cumulative total profit of . Business schools around the world became interested in Lalu's leadership in managing the turnaround. The contrived turnaround was introduced as a case study by the Indian Institute of Management. Lalu also received invitations from eight Ivy League schools for lectures, and addressed over a hundred students from Harvard, Wharton and others in Hindi.

In 2006, the Harvard Business School and HEC Management School, France, showed interest in turning Lalu's contrived experiment with the Indian Railway into case studies for aspiring business graduates.

In 2009, Lalu's successor Mamata Banerjee and the opposition parties alleged that the so-called turnaround of the Railways during his tenure was merely a result of presenting financial statements differently. A 2011 report by the CAG endorsed this view. CAG found that the "surplus" shown on the financial statements during Lalu's tenure covered "cash and investible surplus", which were not included in the "net surplus" figures released by the Railways in the earlier years. The "cash surplus" included the money available for paying dividend, contribution to the Depreciation Reserve Fund used for renewal or replacement of existing assets, and other funds for investment. The "investible surplus" included the money allocated for capital expenditure. The report concluded that the performance of the Railways actually declined marginally during the last few years of Lalu's tenure. In the 2009 general election RJD won 4 seats and provided outside support to Manmohan Singh government. In May 2012, Lalu Prasad envisaged Hamid Ansari, previous Vice President, as a presidential candidate. In May 2013, Lalu tried to rejuvenate the party and fuel the party workers in his Parivartan Rally. After the conviction in Fodder Scam on 3 October 2013, Lalu was disqualified from the membership of Lok Sabha. In the 2014 general election, Lalu Prasad's RJD again won 4 seats.

2015–current: Grand Alliance

In the 2015 Bihar Assembly elections, Lalu Prasad's RJD became the largest party with a total of 81 seats. He along with his partner Nitish Kumar of the JD(U) gained absolute majority to form a government in Bihar. This was cited as a major comeback for the RJD and for Lalu on the political stage of Bihar after a gap of 10 years. But that suffocating alliance did not last long as Nitish Kumar dumped and ousted Lalu's party from the power and alliance in July 2017 after the Enforcement Directorate and Central Bureau of Investigation lodged several criminal cases against Lalu's son and Deputy Chief Minister, Tejashwi Yadav. Rashtriya Janata Dal in the 2020 Bihar Legislative Assembly elections, Tejaswini Yadav as the chief ministerial candidate of the Mahagathbandhan. The alliance won 110 seats in total out of 243, with RJD winning 75 seats, continuing to remain the single largest political party in Bihar. Since the majority required was 122, the alliance was unable to form the government, and he was elected as the Leader of Opposition of Bihar.

On 10 August 2022, Tejaswini took oath as the Deputy Chief Minister of Bihar with Nitish Kumar taking oath as chief minister as part of the Mahagathbandan formed with RJD, Congress and other Opposition Parties.

In 2024, Nitish Kumar left the Mahagathbandhan and formed the government with BJP, effectively terminating Mr. Yadav's tenure as deputy chief minister once again.

Rashtriya Janata Dal in the 2025 Bihar Legislative Assembly elections, The alliance won 35 seats in total out of 243, with RJD winning 25 seats, a record low.

Positions held

Lalu has been elected 4 times as MLA and 5 times as Lok Sabha MP.

{| class="wikitable sortable" width=60%

! # !! From !! To !! Position !! Party

| 1. || 1977 || 1979 ||

MP (1st term) in 6th Lok Sabha from Chapra

|| Janata Party

| 2. || 1980 || 1985 ||

MLA (1st term) from Sonpur in 8th Vidhan Sabha

|| Janata Party

| 3. || 1985 || 1989 ||

MLA (2nd term) from Sonpur
Leader of Opposition in Bihar Legislative Assembly (1st term) (resigned in 1989)

|| Lok Dal

| 4. || 1989 || 1990 ||

MP (2nd term) in 9th Lok Sabha from Chapra (resigned in 1990)

|| Janata Dal

| 5. || 1990 || 1995 ||

MLC (1st term) in Bihar Legislative Council
Chief Minister (1st term) in Government of Bihar

|| Janata Dal

| 6. || 1995 || 1998 ||

MLA (3rd term) from Raghopur and Danapur (1995–1996)
Chief Minister (2nd term) in Government of Bihar (1995–1997)

|| Janata Dal

| 7. || 1998 || 1999 ||

MP (3rd term) in 12th Lok Sabha from Madhepura

|| RJD

| 8. || 2000 || 2000 ||

MLA (4th term) from Raghopur (resigned in 2000) and Danapur (resigned in 2002)

|| RJD

| 9. || 2002 || 2004 ||

MP (1st term) in Rajya Sabha from Bihar (resigned in 2004)

|| RJD

| 10. || 2004 || 2009 ||

MP (4th term) in 14th Lok Sabha from Chapra and Madhepura (resigned from Madhepura in 2004)
Minister of Railways in Government of India

|| RJD

| 11. || 2009 || 2013 ||

MP (5th term) in 15th Lok Sabha from Saran (disqualified in October 2013, due to conviction in Fodder Scam)

|| RJD

Note:

2004: Re-elected to the 14th Lok Sabha (4th term) from Chapra and Madhepura; retained Chapra. Appointed Cabinet Minister in the Ministry of Railways in UPA govt. Lalu, wife Rabri Devi, son Tejashwi Yadav and daughter Misha Bharti booked for railway tender bribery scam, disproportionate illegal property and income tax evasion cases in 2017.
2009: Re-elected to the 15th Lok Sabha (5th term). Contested two seats. Lost from Pataliputra but won from Saran, and disqualified in 2013 subsequent to his conviction in the first fodder scam case. And barred from contesting elections for 6 years.

Populist policies and consolidation of lower castes

thumb|Lalu Prasad presenting a cheque of Rs.30 lakhs to Akhil Kumar at the opening ceremony of the 56th Senior National Kabaddi (Men & Women) Championship being organized by [[Railways Sports Promotion Board|Railway Sports Promotion Board.]]

According to Seyed Hossein Zarhani, although Lalu Prasad became a hate figure among Forward Castes, he drew huge support from backward castes and Dalits. He was criticised for neglecting development, but a study conducted during his reign, among downtrodden Musahars revealed that despite the construction of houses for them not being concluded at required pace, they are obliged to choose him as their leader as he returned them their ijjat (honour)

and for the first time they are allowed to vote as per their own wishes. A number of populist policies which directly impacted his "Backward Caste" supporters were launched during his tenure. Some of these being establishment of Charvaha schools, where children of poor could get skilled; abolishment of cess on toddy and making of the negligence of rules related to reservation for "Backward Castes" as cognizable offence. Lalu Prasad mobilised 'Backwards' through his identity politics. According to his conception, Forward Castes were elite in the outlook and thus he portrayed himself as, "Messiah of Backwards" by ensuring that his way of living remain identical to his supporters who were mostly poor. He even continued to reside in his quarter of one room after getting elected as Chief Minister, though later he moved to official residence of the CM for administrative convenience.

Another significant event during his regime was the recruitment of 'Backward Castes' and communities to government services in large numbers. The government's white paper claimed to have significant number of vacancies in health sector and similar manpower crunch existed across various sectors. The rules of recruitment were changed drastically in order to benefit "Backward Castes", who supported him. The frequent transfer of existing officers, who were at the higher echelon of bureaucracy was also an important feature of Lalu Prasad and Rabri Devi's regime. These developments led to collapse of administration and entire system. Lalu however continued to rule Bihar due to massive support from "Backward Castes" as well as his emphasis on "honour" which he considered more important than the development. Thus according to Zarhani, for the lower caste he was a charismatic leader who was capable to become the voice of those who were silent for long.

Another form of mobilisation of his Dalit supporters by Lalu Prasad was popularising all those folk heroes of lower castes, who were said to have vanquished the upper caste adversaries. One such example is of a popular Dalit saint who was revered as he not only ran away with an upper caste girl but also suppressed all her kins. Praising him could enrage Bhumihar caste in some parts of Bihar. There is a grand celebration every year at a particular place near Patna and Lalu Prasad participates in this fair with pomp and show. His energetic participation in this show makes it a rallying point for Dalits, who saw it as their victory and the harassment of upper castes.

According to Kalyani Shankar, Lalu created a feeling amongst the oppressed that they are real rulers of state under him. He continuously lambasted the oppressors on the behalf of the oppressed and led to their emergence as the pivot of political power. The upper caste, who composed just 13.2% of the population, were controlling most of the land while the 'Backwards', who were 51%, own very little land. The advent of Lalu led to a drastic change in the economic profile of the state, followed by the diversification of the occupation of the 'Backwards' and increase in land owned by them.

Emergence as the leader of plebeians

During his tenure, Lalu never tried to emulate the erstwhile elite chief ministers. He took part in the public festivals and popularised his famous Kurta far Holi (cloth tearing Holi). On this occasion his invitees and the media persons would reach his house shouting: Kaha Chhupal hai Lalu Sala (Where is the bloody Lalu hiding?). Lalu also responded in a similar abusive tone. The vulgar songs were also played on the occasion. Besides this, he never hesitated in calling himself the son of a poor Goala (herder). During his public celebration of Holi festival, he used to play the Dhol himself and dance to the beat of Jogira song. Lalu's rallies were called railla, a symbol of masculinity. Those participating in these rallies were supposed to carry a lathi, a robust stick, which was both the symbol of "masculinity" as well as the chief weapon of a "herder", who used it to manage his cows. The drinking of Bhang, a natural liquor and sitting the whole night to watch the Launda dance (Dance of a Eunuch acting as a woman) made him popular among rural Biharis but all of these obscene activities of a Chief Minister irritated the middle class sensibilities.

According to Ashwini Kumar:

Confrontation with bureaucracy and other policies

thumb|Lalu Prasad interacting with a group of MBA students from [[University of Texas and University of Virginia (USA) on the topic "Turn Around of Indian Railways," in New Delhi on March 16, 2007.]]

With the coming in power of Lalu Prasad, the representation of OBC saw a spurt in the legislative assembly of state. The upper-caste were at great disadvantage due to the new caste composition of the state legislature. In his second tenure, when the elections of 1995 took place in the state, the OBC legislators became 49.69 per cent in the assembly and the upper caste legislators fell to 17.28 per cent, a massive decline since 1960s (In 1995 Bihar Legislative Assembly elections, only 61 upper caste legislators were elected, while the number of Backward Caste legislators was 165). The domination of the Backwards in the legislature brought it into conflict with the bureaucracy, which was still dominated by the upper-castes. There witnessed a hike in incidents of corruption, because the upper-caste bureaucrats utilised the 'lack of knowledge' in administration of the new legislators (from the OBC background) to stealthily sabotage and subvert constructive policies of the Lalu's government.

Since, the administrative class belonged to landed class of upper caste; the Thakur, Bhumihar, Kayastha and Brahmin, they aimed at this obstruction, in order to secure not only their personal interest, but also the interest of the social class, they belonged to. The advent of Lalu Prasad to power was considered as end of their dominance. Hence, amidst confrontation between the bureaucracy and the legislature, the upper-caste dominated bureaucracy became determined to obstruct the caste based social justice promoted by the Janata Dal government under Lalu. They often resorted to frequent defiance of orders to maintain the status-quo. Hence, the government undermined the bureaucracy, as the government, which is said to have voted to power on the platform of OBC empowerment, was also determined to bring the social justice, even at the cost of administrative disfunction. Naxal leaders like Ravindra Singh Kushwaha, who were waging a war against the landlords through various naxal organisations active in the state, were invited to Janata Dal and allotted tickets to contest in assembly election. Subsequently, all the criminal cases against him were dropped, during the premiership of Lalu.

A popular opinion outside Bihar with respect to weakening of bureaucracy and "breakdown of governance" was the presence of rampant corruption and leadership's ineptitude in Lalu's regime. But, according to Jeffrey Witsoe, the RJD deliberately weakened the state institutions controlled by upper-castes in order to empower the lower castes. The OBCs were in control of government but the media and the bureaucracy along with the judiciary was still in control of upper-castes, it was this upper-caste dominance of the other state institutions that the OBC leadership was vying to end by trying to displace the upper-castes effectively from power.

In the meantime, accusations were laid against Lalu's government for fomenting caste based antagonism between various social groups. Various commentators have stressed that under Lalu's Janata Dal rule, the agricultural labourers and untouchables became vocal for respect from the dominant class and the fair wages. Retaliation on the part of lower castes were also seen, when the dominant caste militias tried to quell their revolt on these grounds. In one such case, in December 1991, a dominant caste militia called "Savarna Liberation Front" gangraped and murdered ten Dalit women, in retaliation, the left wing militants all belonging either Dalit or Backward Castes killed thirty five people from the dominant caste. William Dalrymple has chronicled the account of a dominant caste landowner who survived the massacre. The interlocutor of Dalrymple, who declared the incident to be a handiwork of Bihar government under Lalu Prasad said: