Joaquín Antonio Balaguer Ricardo (1 September 1906 – 14 July 2002) was a Dominican politician, scholar, writer, and lawyer who was the 41st, 45th and 49th president of the Dominican Republic, serving three non-consecutive terms from 1960 to 1962, 1966 to 1978, and 1986 to 1996. He previously served as the 24th vice president under President Héctor Trujillo from 1957 to 1960.
His enigmatic, secretive personality was inherited from the Trujillo era, as well as his desire to perpetuate himself in power through rigged elections and widespread human rights violations. He was considered to be a caudillo. According to Luisa de Peña Díaz, director of the Memorial Museum of Dominican Resistance, between 1966 and 1978, 11,000 people were tortured, imprisoned, forcibly disappeared or killed under his regime. This includes 1,200 political killings. Nevertheless, Balaguer was also considered to be instrumental in the liberalization of the Dominican government, and his time as leader of the Dominican Republic saw major changes such as legalized political activities, surprise army promotions and demotions, promoting health and education improvements and instituting modest land reforms.
Early life and introduction to politics
Balaguer was born on 1 September 1906 in Navarrete, later named Villa Bisonó in the Santiago Province in the northwestern corner of the Dominican Republic. His father was Joaquín Jesús Balaguer Lespier, and his mother was Carmen Celia Ricardo Heureaux, son of Pierre Alejandro (Pierre-Alexandre) Heureaux, a Frenchman and Roselia Jean-Louis, an African-born slave. Balaguer was the only son in a family of several daughters. He was taught by Santiago-born educator and feminist writer Rosa Smester Marrero; in his memoirs, Balaguer recalled Smester's great influence on his intellectual formation. As a youth, Balaguer wrote of the awe with which he was struck by his father's fellow countryman, the Harvard graduate and political leader from Puerto Rico, Pedro Albizu. Despite the profound differences regarding their ethical and world visions, Albizu's fiery and charismatic rhetoric captured Balaguer's imagination and his recollection of this occasion was a harbinger of his passion for politics and intellectual debate.
Balaguer's political career began in 1930 (before Rafael Trujillo took control of the government) when he was appointed Attorney in the Court of Properties. In later years, he served as Secretary of the Dominican Legation in Madrid (1932–1935), Undersecretary of the Presidency (1936), Undersecretary of Foreign Relations (1937), Extraordinary Ambassador to Colombia and Ecuador (1940–1943 and 1943–1947), Ambassador to Mexico (1947–1949), Secretary of Education (1949–1955), and Secretary of State of Foreign Relations (1953–1956).
Vice presidency and first presidency (1957–1962)
When Trujillo arranged to have his brother Héctor re-elected to the presidency in 1957, he chose Balaguer as vice president. Three years later, when pressure from the Organization of American States (OAS) convinced Rafael that it was inappropriate to have a member of his family as president, Trujillo forced his brother to resign, and Balaguer succeeded to the post.
thumb|left|Rafael Trujillo (second from right) and Balaguer (third from right) being received in audience by [[Pope Pius XII (far right) in 1955]]
thumb|left|A portrait of Trujillo (left) and Balaguer (right) in 1960
The situation was dramatically altered, however, when Trujillo was assassinated in May 1961. Balaguer initially remained president, with the real power held by Trujillo's son, Ramfis. They initially took steps to liberalize the regime, granting some civil liberties and easing Trujillo's tight censorship of the press.
Meanwhile, he revoked the nonaggression pact made with Cuba in January 1961. These measures did not go nearly far enough for a populace who had no memory of the instability and poverty that preceded Trujillo, and wanted more freedom and a more equitable distribution of wealth. At the same time, Ramfis' reforms went too far for the hard-line trujillistas led by his own uncles, Héctor and José Arismendi Trujillo. As the OAS continued economic sanctions imposed for Trujillo's attempted murder of Venezuelan President Romulo Betancourt, Ramfis warned that the country could descend into civil war between left and right.
Although official and unofficial repression of the opposition parties (the Dominican Revolutionary Party and National Civic Union, as well as the communist Dominican Popular Movement) continued, Balaguer publicly condemned this repression and in September he pledged to form a coalition government. Hector and Jose Trujillo left the country in October but the opposition parties demanded Ramfis withdraw from the government as well. At the end of October, Ramfis announced that he would resign if the OAS agreed to lift the economic sanctions. The OAS agreed on November 14 but Ramfis' uncles returned to the country the following day, hoping to lead a military coup. Ramfis resigned and went into exile on November 17 and rumours circulated that Air Force general Fernando Arturo Sánchez Otero would support pro-Castro revolutionaries. The United States now sent a small fleet of ships and 1,800 marines to patrol Dominican waters. The US consul informed Balaguer that these forces stood ready to intervene at his request, and would be supported by forces from Venezuela and Colombia. Air Force general Pedro Rafael Ramón Rodríguez Echavarría announced his support for Balaguer and bombed pro-Trujillo forces. The Trujillo brothers again fled the country on November 20 and Echavarría became Secretary of Armed Forces.
The Union Civica Nacional (UCN) called a national strike and demanded the formation of a provisional government under their leader, Viriato Fiallo, with elections to be delayed until 1964. The military were vehemently against the UCN taking power and Echaverría proposed a continuation of the Balaguer regime until the elections. The American consul mediated between the two sides and in January 1962 final agreement led to the creation of a seven-member Council of State, led by Balaguer but including members of the UCN, to replace both the Dominican Congress and the President and his cabinet until the election. The OAS finally lifted sanctions against the country upon the formation of the council. However, popular unrest against Balaguer continued and many saw Echaverría as positioning himself to seize power. Military forces opened fire on demonstrators on 14 January which led to rioting the following day. On 16 January, Balaguer resigned and Echaverría staged a military coup d'état and arrested the other members of the council. With the US supporting the UCN and a new national strike beginning immediately, Echaverría was arrested by other officers two days later. The Council of State was restored under the leadership of Rafael Bonnelly and Balaguer went into exile in New York and Puerto Rico. The US State Department continued to be in contact with Balanguer, with I. Irving Davidson functioning as a liaison.
Juan Bosch was elected president in 1962 in the country's first free election. He only held office for seven months, from February 1963 to September 1963, when he was overthrown in a military coup. The country then began a tumultuous period which by 24 April 1965 saw the start of the Dominican Civil War. Military officers had revolted against the provisional Junta to restore Bosch, whereupon U.S. President Lyndon Johnson, under the pretext of eliminating Communist influence in the Caribbean, sent 42,000 U.S. troops to defeat the revolt in Operation Power Pack, on 28 April. The provisional government, headed by Héctor García-Godoy, announced general elections for 1966. Balaguer seized his chance once he had the backing of the United States government, and returned to the Dominican Republic with the purpose of destroying the popular groups that had participated in the rebellions of 1965. He formed the Reformist Party and entered the presidential race against Bosch, campaigning as a moderate conservative advocating gradual and orderly reforms. He quickly gained the support of the establishment and easily defeated Bosch, who ran a somewhat muted campaign out of fear of military retribution. However, his administration soon developed a distinct authoritarian cast, constitutional guarantees notwithstanding. Political opponents were jailed and sometimes killed When he left office that year, it marked the first time in the Dominican Republic's history that an incumbent president peacefully surrendered power to an elected member of the opposition.
In the 1982 elections, the PRD's Salvador Jorge Blanco defeated Balaguer, who had merged his party with the Social Christian Revolutionary Party to form the Social Christian Reformist Party two years earlier.
Balaguer ran again in the 1986 elections, and took advantage of a split in the PRD and an unpopular austerity program to win the presidency again after an eight-year absence. By that time, he was 80 years old and almost completely blind after living with glaucoma for many years.
Third presidency (1986–1996)
thumb|right|250px|Joaquín Balaguer in 1988
thumb|right|200px|Balaguer (right) and his cabinet arrive in the US for a state visit in 1988
thumb|right|200px| Balaguer (center) receives Ambassador [[Ismael Moreno Pino|Moreno Pino of Mexico at the National Palace of Santo Domingo in 1990.]]
Balaguer's third presidency was considerably more liberal than the "Twelve Years" had been. He was more tolerant of opposition parties and human rights. He won around 23% of the votes in the election, with PLD candidate Danilo Medina just barely nosing him out for a spot in the runoff with PRD candidate Hipólito Mejía, who came just a few thousand votes short of outright victory. Balaguer stated that he himself personally accepted Mejía's election, but hinted that his supporters would split their votes between Mejía and Medina in the runoff. Medina would have needed nearly all of Balaguer's supporters to cross over to him in order to have any realistic chance of overcoming a 25-point deficit in the first round. When it was apparent Medina would not get nearly enough support from Balaguer's voters to have a chance at victory, he pulled out of the runoff, handing the presidency to Mejía.