Japanese pitch accent

[[File:Japan pitch accent map.png|thumb|320px|class=skin-invert-image|Japanese pitch-accent types

]]

Japanese pitch accent is a feature of the Japanese language that distinguishes words by a distinct tone that focuses on a specific mora ('accent') in most Japanese dialects. The nature and location of the accented syllable for a given word may vary between dialects. For instance, the word for "river" is in the Tokyo dialect, with the accent on the second mora, but in the Kansai dialect it is . A final or is often devoiced to or after a pitch drop and an unvoiced consonant.

The Japanese term is , and it refers to the system used in languages such as Japanese and Swedish. These languages are called pitch-accent languages.

This contrasts with , which refers to stress. An alternative term is which contrasts with .

thumb|220x124px|right|Reading of the first two paragraphs of the chapter 1 of [[Botchan in the Tokyo accent]]

thumb|220x124px|right|Reading of the same part of Botchan in the Kansai accent

Standard Japanese

Normative pitch accent, essentially the pitch accent of the Yamanote dialect of Tokyo, is considered essential in jobs such as broadcasting. The current standards for pitch accent are presented in special accent dictionaries for native speakers, such as the and the . News presenters and other speech professionals are required to follow these standards.

Foreign learners of Japanese are often not taught to pronounce the pitch accent, though it is included in some noted texts, such as Japanese: The Spoken Language. Incorrect pitch accent is a characteristic of a "foreign accent" in Japanese.

Scalar pitch

In standard Japanese, pitch accent has the following effect on words spoken in isolation:

The following accent types are collectively known as :
If the accent is on the first mora, then the pitch starts high, drops suddenly on the second mora, then levels out. The pitch may fall across both morae, or mostly on one or the other (depending on the sequence of sounds)—that is, the first mora may end with a high falling pitch, or the second may begin with a (low) falling pitch, but the first mora will be considered accented regardless. The Japanese describe this as .
If the accent is on a mora other than the first or the last, then the pitch has an initial rise from a low starting point, reaches a near-maximum at the accented mora, then drops suddenly on any following morae. This accent is referred to as .
If the word has an accent on the last mora, the pitch rises from a low start up to a high pitch on the last mora. Words with this accent are indistinguishable from accentless words unless followed by a particle such as ga or ni, on which the pitch drops. In Japanese this accent is called .
If the word does not have an accent, the pitch rises from a low starting point on the first mora or two, and then levels out in the middle of the speaker's range, without ever reaching the high tone of an accented mora. In Japanese, this accent is named ().

Note that accent rules apply to phonological words, which include any following particles. So the sequence "hashi" spoken in isolation can be accented in two ways, either háshi (accent on the first syllable, meaning 'chopsticks') or hashí (flat or accent on the second syllable, meaning either 'edge' or 'bridge'), while "hashi" plus the subject-marker "ga" can be accented on the first syllable or the second, or be flat/accentless: háshiga 'chopsticks', hashíga 'bridge', or hashiga 'edge'.

In poetry, a word such as , which has the accent on the fourth mora ro, is pronounced in five beats (morae). When initial in the phrase (and therefore starting out with a low pitch), the pitch typically rises on the o, levels out at mid range on the moshi, peaks on the ro, and then drops suddenly on the i, producing a falling tone on the roi.

In all cases but the final accent, there is a general declination (gradual decline) of pitch across the phrase. This, and the initial rise, are part of the prosody of the phrase, not lexical accent, and are larger in scope than the phonological word. That is, within the overall pitch-contour of the phrase there may be more than one phonological word, and thus potentially more than one accent.

Accent nuclei, defective morae and compound-induced accent shifts

An is another name for an accented mora, a mora that carries a high tone and is followed by a mora with a low tone. In other words, the precipitous drop in pitch occurs right at the boundary between the accent nucleus and the mora immediately after it. Unaccented words (of the heiban type) do not have an accent nucleus.

Unlike regular morae or , defective morae or 特殊拍 (tokushu haku, “special beats”) cannot generally be accent nuclei. They historically arose through various processes that limited their occurrences and prominence in terms of accent-carrying capability. There are four types of them:

The : derived from Middle Chinese coda consonants (/n/ and /m/) (e.g. /kaN/; /wemu/ > /eN/), but also arose naturally through onbin (e.g. /yomite/ > /yoNde/)
The : mainly arose through onbin (e.g. /katite/ > /kaQte/) or through consonant assimilation (e.g. /setpuku/ > /seQpuku/)
The : arose through consonant losses (e.g. /kakasaN/ > /kaRsaN/), vowel shifts or vowel assimilation during Late Middle Japanese (e.g. /eu/ > /joR/; /joũ/ > /joR/)
The morphologically bound /i/ (/J/, written in kana as い/イ): derived from a Middle Chinese offglide (e.g. /taJ/; /tuJ/) or arose through onbin (e.g. /kakisiro/ > /kaJsiro/)

While the accent patterns of single words are often unpredictable, those of compounds are often rule-based. For example, when compounding the suffix 市 (-shi) with a place name to form a city name, the accent nucleus of the resulting compound is usually immediately before 市 itself:

千葉 (Chiba): HꜜL > 千葉市 (Chiba-shi, “Chiba City”): L-HꜜL /tibaꜜsi/

But if the mora before 市 is defective, the accent must shift one mora backward:

白山 (Hakusan): HꜜL-L-L > 白山市 (Hakusan-shi, “Hakusan City”): L-H-HꜜL-L /hakusaꜜNsi/
西条 (Saijō): HꜜL-L-L > 西条市 (Saijō-shi, “Saijō City”): L-H-HꜜL-L /saJzjoꜜRsi/
仙台 (Sendai): HꜜL-L-L > 仙台市 (Sendai-shi, “Sendai City”): L-H-HꜜL-L /seNdaꜜJsi/

A defective mora can be an accent nucleus only if the mora following it is also defective:

ロンドンっ子 (Rondon-kko, “Londoner”): L-H-H-HꜜL-L /roNdoNꜜQko/
東京っ子 (Tōkyō-kko, “Tokyoite”): L-H-H-HꜜL-L /toRkjoRꜜQko/
現代っ子 (gendai-kko, “modern person”): L-H-H-HꜜL-L /ɡeNdaJꜜQko/

Compoundified compound nouns vs noncompoundified compound nouns

In general, Japanese utterances can be syntactically split into discrete phrases (known in the Hashimoto school of grammar as ). For example, the utterance 母が料理をして父が皿を洗います (Haha-ga ryōri-o shite chichi-ga sara-o arai-masu, “My mother cooks and my father washes the dishes”) can be subdivided into the following phrases:

母が (haha-ga)
料理を (ryōri-o)
して (shite)
父が (chichi-ga)
皿を (sara-o)
洗います (arai-masu)

The general structure of these phrases is that a syntactically free morpheme is followed by one or more syntactically bound morphemes. Free morphemes are nouns, adjectives and verbs, while bound morphemes are particles and auxiliaries. In the above utterance, the free morphemes are 母, 料理, して, 父, 皿, and 洗い while the bound ones are が, を and ます. The accent pattern of the entire utterance could be something like this:

{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center"

|ha-ha-ga

|ryo-o-ri-o

|shi-te

|chi-chi-ga

|sa-ra-o

|a-ra-i-ma-su

|HꜜL-L

|HꜜL-L-L

|L-H

|HꜜL-L

|L-H-H

|L-H-H-HꜜL

Ideally, each phrase can carry at most one accent nucleus (in the above example, ha-ha-ga, ryo-o-ri-o, chi-chi-ga and a-ra-i-ma-su), and such accent nucleus is based solely on the lexical accent nucleus of the free morpheme of that phrase (bound morphemes do not have lexical accent patterns, and whatever accent patterns they do have is dependent on those of the free morphemes they follow). However, the situation becomes complicated when it comes to compound nouns.

When multiple independent nouns are placed successively, they syntactically form a compound noun. For example:

第 (dai) + 一次 (ichiji) + 世界 (sekai) + 大戦 (taisen) > 第一次世界大戦 (Dai-ichiji-Sekai-Taisen, “World War I”)

At the phrasal level, compound nouns are well contained within a phrase, no matter how long they are. Thus, the utterance ヨーロッパは第一次世界大戦では主戦場となった (Yōroppa-wa Dai-ichiji-Sekai-Taisen-de-wa shusenjō-to natta, “Europe was the main theater of war in World War I”) is subdivided into phrases as follows:

ヨーロッパは (Yōroppa-wa)
第一次世界大戦では (Dai-ichiji-Sekai-Taisen-de-wa)
主戦場と (shusenjō-to)
なった (natta)

As Dai-ichiji-Sekai-Taisen-de-wa is an entire phrase in itself, it should ideally carry at most one accent nucleus, the lexical accent nucleus of the free compound noun Dai-ichiji-Sekai-Taisen. In practice, Dai-ichiji-Sekai-Taisen, as a compound noun, is capable of carrying more than one accent nucleus. While still being a syntactic compound, its components might not be solidly "fused" together and still retain their own lexical accent nuclei. Whether Dai-ichiji-Sekai-Taisen should have one nucleus of its own, or several nuclei of its constituents, is a matter of whether it is a “compoundified compound noun” (複合語化複合名詞 fukugōgoka fukugō meishi) or “noncompoundified compound noun” (非複合語化複合名詞 hifukugōgoka fukugō meishi). The “compoundification” status of a compound noun is lexical, meaning that whether such compound noun is long or short, or simple or complex, is not relevant to whether it is “compoundified” or not. A yojijukugo such as 世代交代 (sedai-kōtai, “change of generation”) may be treated as “compoundified,” with a single accent nucleus:

{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center"

!世代交代

|se-da-i-ko-o-ta-i

|L-H-H-HꜜL-L-L

Meanwhile, a different four-kanji compound noun, 新旧交代 (shinkyū-kōtai, “transition between the old and the new”),

! New analysis which is sometimes overridden depending the type of the second mora:

(1) If the second mora is /N/ or the lengthening half of a long vowel, the tone of the first mora is "high", and there may or may not be initial lowering.
(2) If the second mora is /Q/, the tone of the first mora is "low", and there is initial lowering, but the tone of the second mora is also "low."
(3) If the second mora is any other type of mora, the tone of the first mora is "low", and there is initial lowering.

In the (1) circumstances, initial lowering does not naturally happen in connected speech, but it can still be artificially induced with the slow, deliberate enunciation of whatever word is of concern.

The following are illustrative examples of the indefinite pitch of the first mora. For monomoraic non-initial-accented words, the second mora is whatever particle that follows it.

{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center; margin:1em auto 1em auto"

! Word

! Kana spelling

! Phonemic transcription

!Type of the second mora

! (1)

! (2)

! (3)

! Initial-accented

|漫画 (manga)

|まんが

|/maNɡa/

|/N/

|L-H-H or H-H-H

|colspan=3|

|交番 (kōban)

|こうばん

|/koRban/

|rowspan=2|/R/

|L-H-H-H or H-H-H-H

|colspan=3|

|フォークリフト (fōkurifuto "forklift")

|フォークリフト

|/ɸoRkuriɸuto/

|L-H-H-HꜜL-L or H-H-H-HꜜL-L

|colspan=3|

|切腹 (seppuku)

|せっぷく

|/seQpuku/

|/Q/

|L-L-H-H

|colspan=2|

|愛人 (aijin "lover")

|あいじん

|/aJzin/

|/J/

|colspan=2|

|L-H-H-H

|アメリカ (Amerika "America")

|アメリカ

|/amerika/

|rowspan=3|free mora

|colspan=2|

|L-H-H-H

|黄は (ki-wa "yellow")

|きは

|/kiwa/

|colspan=2|

|L-H

|HꜜL

|気が (ke-ga "sign; indication")

|けが

|/keɡa/

|colspan=2|

|L-H

|HꜜL

Pitch raising

The defining characteristic of accent in Japanese is a steep fall from a high tone to a low tone. This means that an accented mora is necessarily voiced for it to have any tone at all, much less specifically a high one. Yet, it is frequently the case that devoiced morae, particularly those containing the high vowels , are accented. The transition from an illusory, voiceless "high" to the following low is significantly different from a true high, in that the pitch of the following low is higher in the former case. This phenomenon has been termed pitch raising. Experiments have shown that, an accented yet voiceless mora raises the pitch of the following low tone significantly. The degree of raising depends on how close the voiceless "high" is to the low, which is raised the most when it comes right after the "high", for example in the test nonsense phrase (the accute accent marks a "high" tone, and the grave accent marks a low one; the "high" right next to the low is the accented "high"). In this case, the low tone of is raised because of the voiceless "high" of . If the "high" and the low are separated by voiceless "lows", there is less pitch raising as the accented "high" becomes farther away from the low, as in and . Pitch raising is suppressed if there is a voiced high before the devoiced "high", as in . here are the patterns for the 連用形 of quinquegrade verbs without a trailing particle or auxiliary:

のる → のり（乗り）
はなꜜす → はなꜜし（話し）
のꜜむ → のꜜみ（飲み）

Compare the 連用形はなꜜし and のꜜみ (nakadaka) to their respective derived nouns, はなしꜜ and のみꜜ (odaka).

Nouns derived from other parts of speech

Nouns derived from single verbs

The accent of nouns derived from verbs is generally based on the accent of the dictionary forms of those verbs. If the dictionary form is accentless, the derived noun is also accentless:

うく（浮く） → うき（浮き）
かす（貸す） → かし（貸し）
あれる（荒れる） → あれ（荒れ）
そめる（染める） → そめ（染め）
おわる（終わる） → おわり（終わり）
たたむ（畳む） → たたみ（畳み）
きこえる（聞こえる） → きこえ（聞こえ）
みとめる（認める） → みとめ（認め）
たたかう（戦う） → たたかい（戦い）
はたらく（働く） → はたらき（働き）

If the dictionary form is accented, the derived noun has odaka accent, though certain derived nouns may alternatively have different accent types:

くꜜむ（組む） → くみꜜ（組み）
ふꜜる（降る） → ふりꜜ（降り）
おちꜜる（落ちる） → おちꜜ（落ち）
はじꜜる（恥じる） → はじꜜ（恥じ）
はなꜜす（話す） → はなしꜜ（話し）
ひかꜜる（光る） → ひかりꜜ（光り）
かꜜえる（帰る） → かえりꜜ（帰り）
とꜜおる（通る） → とおりꜜ（通り）
たすけꜜる（助ける） → たすけꜜ（助け）
つとめꜜる（勤める） → つとめꜜ（勤め）
あつまꜜる（集まる） → あつまりꜜ or あつまꜜり（集まり）
おどろꜜく（驚く） → おどろきꜜ or おどろꜜき（驚き）
ことわꜜる（断る） → ことわりꜜ or ことわꜜり or ことわり（断り）

Nouns derived from compound verbs

Nouns derived from compound verbs tend to be accentless:

にあꜜう（似合う） → にあい（似合い）
しくꜜむ（仕組む） → しくみ（仕組み）
いいあꜜう（言い合う） → いいあい（言い合い）
うけとる or うけとꜜる（受け取る） → うけとり（受け取り）
のりかえꜜる or のりかꜜえる（乗り換える） → のりかえ（乗り換え）
ありあわせꜜる or ありあわせる（有り合わせる） → ありあわせ（有り合わせ）
しのびなꜜく（忍び泣く） → しのびなき（忍び泣き）
やけだされꜜる（焼け出される） → やけだされ（焼け出され）
ゆずりわたꜜす（譲り渡す） → ゆずりわたし（譲り渡し）

-sa nouns derived from adjectives

-sa forms derived from accentless dictionary forms of adjectives tend to also be accentless:

あまい（甘い） → あまさ（甘さ）
おもい（重い） → おもさ（重さ）
かたい（堅い） → かたさ（堅さ）
つめたい（冷たい） → つめたさ（冷たさ）
せいかく（正確） → せいかくさ（正確さ）

For accented dictionary forms with more than 2 morae, the accented location of the -sa forms is shifted back by 1 mora; OR, for non--shii dictionary forms with more than 3 morae, the accented location may, alternative, not be shifted:

よꜜい（良い） → よꜜさ（良さ）
こꜜい（濃い） → こꜜさ（濃さ）

わかꜜい（若い） → わꜜかさ（若さ）
たかꜜい（高い） → たꜜかさ（高さ）
うれしꜜい（嬉しい） → うれꜜしさ（嬉しさ）
あたらしꜜい（新しい） → あたらꜜしさ（新しさ）

するどꜜい（鋭い） → するꜜどさ or するどꜜさ（鋭さ）
ありがたꜜい（有り難い） → ありがꜜたさ or ありがたꜜさ（有り難さ）

For -na adjectives, their roots' last mora is accented:

おꜜろか（愚か） → おろかꜜさ（愚かさ）
げꜜんき（元気） → げんきꜜさ（元気さ）

-mi nouns derived from adjectives

-mi forms derived from accentless dictionary forms of adjectives tend to also be accentless:

あまい（甘い） → あまみ（甘み）
おもい（重い） → おもみ（重み）
あかるい（明るい） → あかるみ（明るみ）
しんけん（真剣） → しんけんみ or しんけꜜんみ（真剣み）

For accented dictionary forms, unlike -sa, -mi often results in odaka accent, although for derived nouns with 4 or more morae, other accent types may also be found:

にがꜜい（苦い） → にがみꜜ（苦み）
しぶꜜい（渋い） → しぶみꜜ（渋み）

おもしろꜜい（面白い） → おもしろみꜜ or おもしろꜜみ or おもしろみ（面白み）
しꜜんせつ（親切） → しんせつみꜜ or しんせつꜜみ or しんせつみ（親切み）

-ke/ge nouns

-ke/ge forms derived from accentless dictionary forms of adjectives, nouns and verbs tend to also be accentless:

ねむい（眠い） → ねむけ（眠気）
あぶない（危ない） → あぶなげ or あぶなꜜげ（危な気）

あぶら（油） → あぶらけ（油気）
おとな（大人） → おとなげ（大人気）

For -ke/ge forms derived from accented dictionary forms, the results are often odaka, but if they contain more than 3 morae, they may be nakadaka instead:

さむꜜい（寒い） → さむけꜜ（寒気）

はꜜく（吐く） → はきけꜜ（吐き気）
くꜜう（食う） → くいけꜜ（食い気）

くるしꜜい（苦しい） → くるしꜜげ（苦し気）

Nominal affixes

Certain highly productive affixes, often of Sino-Japanese origin, often result in compound nouns with predictable accent patterns.

Noun–noun compounds

In Tokyo Japanese, the accent of noun–noun compounds is often influenced by the second element. In many compounds whose second element is a three- or four-mora noun that is unaccented or accented on its final mora, the resulting compound commonly places the accent on the first mora of the second element. For example, (なつやꜜすみ) and (にぐꜜるま). By contrast, compounds whose second element has a non-final accent may preserve that original accent, as in (かみひこꜜうき) and (まつばづꜜえ). Similarly, when the second element is a longer loanword, the compound frequently places or retains the accent on the first mora of that second element. For instance, compounding a noun with the five-mora atamadaka loanword yields (たかさアꜜクセント) and (つよさアꜜクセント).

Prefixes

Productive Sino-Japanese prefixes such as 以（い）、各（かく）、貴（き）、現（げん）、故（こ）、今（こん）、諸（しょ）、先（せん）、前（ぜん）、尊（そん）、当（とう）、同（どう）、某（ぼう）、本（ほん）、両（りょう） often result in atamadaka compounds: しょꜜけい（諸兄）、かꜜくじん（各人）、とꜜうしゃ（当社）、どꜜうこう（同校）、ぼꜜうじょ（某女）、ぼꜜうじつ（某日）.

Short suffixes

For many native and Sino-Japanese suffixes, the accent falls on the last 自立拍 of the nouns before them. This means that if the last mora is a 特殊拍, the accent must shift backward until it reaches a 自立拍 (see #Accent nuclei, defective morae and compound-induced accent shifts above).

子（こ・ご） → ちのみꜜご（乳飲み子）
歌（うた） → たうえꜜうた（田植え歌）
川（かわ・がわ） → すみだꜜがわ（隅田川）
鮨（すし・ずし） → おおさかꜜずし（大阪鮨）
岳（たけ・だけ） → たにがわꜜだけ（谷川岳）
鶏（とり・どり） → おながꜜどり（尾長鶏）
豆（まめ） → うずらꜜまめ（鶉豆）
虫（むし） → てんとりꜜむし（点取り虫）

器（き） → しょうかꜜき（消火器）
区（く） → ちよだꜜく（千代田区）
市（し） → ちばꜜし（千葉市）
士（し） → べんごꜜし（弁護士）
社（しゃ） → ざっしꜜしゃ（雑誌社）
手（しゅ） → ないやꜜしゅ（内野手）
費（ひ） → としょꜜひ（図書費）
婦（ふ） → かんごꜜふ（看護婦）
部（ぶ） → けいりꜜぶ（経理部）
員（いん） → かいしゃꜜいん（会社員）
園（えん） → ようちꜜえん（幼稚園）
会（かい） → ししゃꜜかい（試写会）
学（がく） → しんりꜜがく（心理学）
館（かん） → えいがꜜかん（映画館）
局（きょく） → テレビꜜきょく（テレビ局）
郡（ぐん） → にしたまꜜぐん（西多摩郡）
県（けん） → かながわꜜけん（神奈川県）
式（しき） → にゅうがくꜜしき（入学式）
宗（しゅう） → じょうどꜜしゅう（浄土宗）
省（しょう） → もんぶꜜしょう（文部省）
城（じょう） → おおさかꜜじょう（大阪城）
門（もん） → さくらだꜜもん（桜田門）
料（りょう） → でんわꜜりょう（電話料）
力（りょく） → あんきꜜりょく（暗記力）

Some suffixes often result in accentless compounds:

色（いろ） → さくらいろ（桜色）
型（かた・がた） → ひまんがた（肥満型）
髪（かみ・がみ） → にほんがみ（日本髪）
側（かわ・がわ） → ひだりがわ（左側）
際（きわ・ぎわ） → どひょうぎわ（土俵際）
組（くみ・ぐみ） → ごにんぐみ（五人組）
縞（しま・じま） → こうしじま（格子縞）
面（つら・づら） → しじゅうづら（四十面）
玉（たま・だま） → シャボンだま（シャボン玉）
寺（てら・でら） → きよみずでら（清水寺）
沼（ぬま） → いんばぬま（印旛沼）
村（むら） → しらかわむら（白川村）
山（やま） → あたごやま（愛宕山）
小屋（こや・ごや） → すみやきごや（炭焼き小屋）

科（か） → しょうにか（小児科）
家（か） → せいじか（政治家）
課（か） → じんじか（人事課）
画（が） → にほんが（日本画）
語（ご） → がいこくご（外国語）
座（ざ） → かぶきざ（歌舞伎座）
派（は） → いんしょうは（印象派）
鏡（きょう） → さんめんきょう（三面鏡）
教（きょう） → てんりきょう（天理教）
場（じょう） → しけんじょう（試験場）
性（せい） → ふりょうせい（不良性）
制（せい） → ぐんしゅせい（君主制）
製（せい） → にほんせい（日本製）
線（せん） → とうかいどうせん（東海道線）
隊（たい） → よびたい（予備隊）
中（ちゅう・じゅう） → ごぜんちゅう（午前中）
刀（とう） → にほんとう（日本刀）
党（とう） → しゃかいとう（社会党）
灯（とう） → アークとう（アーク灯）
堂（どう） → にがつどう（二月堂）
版（はん・ばん） → しゅくさつばん（縮刷版）
盤（ばん） → エルピーばん（LP盤）
表（ひょう） → じかんひょう（時間表）
病（びょう） → しんぞうびょう（心臓病）
米（まい） → インディカまい（インディカ米）
用（よう） → ふじんよう（婦人用）
流（りゅう） → にとうりゅう（二刀流）

Some suffixes belong to both the above groups:

顔（かお・がお） → うりざねがお or うりざねꜜがお（瓜実顔）
紙（かみ・がみ） → ちりめんがみ or ちりめꜜんがみ（縮緬紙）
口（くち・ぐち） → でいりぐち or でいりꜜぐち（出入り口）
風（かぜ） → みなみかぜ or みなみꜜかぜ（南風）

油（ゆ） → じゅんかつゆ or じゅんかつꜜゆ（潤滑油）
炎（えん） → じんぞうえん or じんぞꜜうえん（腎臓炎）
艦（かん） → じえいかん or じえꜜいかん（自衛艦）
計（けい） → せいうけい or せいうꜜけい（晴雨計）
罪（ざい） → しょうがいざい or しょうがꜜいざい（傷害罪）
船（せん） → きゅうすいせん or きゅうすꜜいせん（給水船）
戦（せん） → けっしょうせん or けっしょꜜうせん（決勝戦）
文（ぶん） → こうようぶん or こうよꜜうぶん（公用文）
法（ほう） → しゅっぱんほう or しゅっぱꜜんほう（出版法）
剤（ざい） → しょうかざい or しょうかꜜざい（消化剤）
店（てん） → きっさてん or きっさꜜてん（喫茶店）
人（にん） → かんごにん or かんごꜜにん（看護人）

For a few native suffixes, their first mora is often accented:

汗（あせ） → ひやあꜜせ（冷や汗）
雨（あめ） → やらずのあꜜめ（遣らずの雨）
傘（かさ・がさ） → あいあいがꜜさ（相合い傘）
空（そら・ぞら） → うわのそꜜら（上の空）
杖（つえ・づえ） → まつばづꜜえ（松葉杖）
船（ふね・ぶね） → わたしぶꜜね（渡し船）
窓（まど） → ガラスまꜜど（ガラス窓）
麦（むぎ） → はだかむꜜぎ（裸麦）

Long suffixes

For native suffixes derived from free words with more than 2 morae, or native and Sino-Japanese suffixes derived from free words with 2 morphemes (often spelt with 2 kanji), if the original free words are accentless, odaka or atamadaka, the first mora of the derived suffixes is often accented:

蛙（かえる・がえる） → とのさまがꜜえる（殿様蛙）
薬（くすり・ぐすり） → こなぐꜜすり（粉薬）
車（くるま・ぐるま） → にぐꜜるま（荷車）
桜（さくら・ざくら） → やまざꜜくら（山桜）
印（しるし・じるし） → ほしじꜜるし（星印）

見舞い（みまい） → びょうきみꜜまい（病気見舞い）

会社（かいしゃ・がいしゃ） → かぶしきがꜜいしゃ（株式会社）
学校（がっこう） → こうとうがꜜっこう（高等学校）
銀行（ぎんこう） → にほんぎꜜんこう（日本銀行）
公園（こうえん） → こくりつこꜜうえん（国立公園）
時代（じだい） → とくがわじꜜだい（徳川時代）
放送（ほうそう） → きょういくほꜜうそう（教育放送）

頭（あたまꜜ） → いしあꜜたま（石頭）
表（おもてꜜ） → たたみおꜜもて（畳表）
敵（かたきꜜ・がたき） → ごがꜜたき（碁敵）
祭り（まつりꜜ） → むらまꜜつり（村祭り）

相手（あいてꜜ） → はなしあꜜいて（話し相手）

道具（どうぐꜜ） → はなよめどꜜうぐ（花嫁道具）
地獄（じごくꜜ） → しけんじꜜごく（試験地獄）

魂（たꜜましい・だましい） → やまとだꜜましい（大和魂）
蝙蝠（こꜜうもり） → いえこꜜうもり（家蝙蝠）
稲荷（いꜜなり） → とよかわいꜜなり（豊川稲荷）

菓子（かꜜし・がし） → なまがꜜし（生菓子）
大将（たꜜいしょう・だいしょう） → がきだꜜいしょう（餓鬼大将）
事業（じꜜぎょう） → しゃかいじꜜぎょう（社会事業）
主義（しゅꜜぎ） → みんしゅしゅꜜぎ（民主主義）
神社（じꜜんじゃ） → かすがじꜜんじゃ（春日神社）
料理（りょꜜうり） → せいようりょꜜうり（西洋料理）

For suffixes derived from free words with nakadaka accent, the tendency is to only keep the original accent of those free words, though some shifting may occur if the resulting compounds are very long:

団扇（うちꜜわ） → ひだりうちꜜわ or ひだりうꜜちわ（左団扇）
月夜（つきꜜよ・づきよ） → ほしづきꜜよ or ほしづꜜきよ（星月夜）
物語（ものがꜜたり） → げんじものがꜜたり（源氏物語）

試験（しけꜜん） → にゅうしゃしけꜜん（入社試験）
委員会（いいꜜんかい） → きょういくいいꜜんかい（教育委員会）

Proper name suffixes

Some common proper name suffixes, such as 様（さま）、さん、ちゃん、殿（どの）、君（くん）, do not affect the names they suffix:

なかむら + さま → なかむらさま
やまꜜした + さま → やまꜜしたさま
かꜜとう + さま → かꜜとうさま

なかむら + さん → なかむらさん
やまꜜした + さん → やまꜜしたさん
かꜜとう + さん → かꜜとうさん

まさお + ちゃん → まさおちゃん
かずꜜひこ + ちゃん → かずꜜひこちゃん
はꜜなこ + ちゃん → はꜜなこちゃん

なかむら + どの → なかむらどの
まさお + どの → まさおどの
やまꜜした + どの → やまꜜしたどの
かずꜜひこ + どの → かずꜜひこどの
かꜜとう + どの → かꜜとうどの
はꜜなこ + どの → はꜜなこどの

なかむら + くん → なかむらくん
かずꜜひこ + くん → かずꜜひこくん
かꜜとう + くん → かꜜとうくん

氏（し） places the accent on the last mora of originally accentless names, but does not affect accented names:

なかむら + し → なかむらꜜし
まさお + し → まさおꜜし

やまꜜした + し → やまꜜしたし
かꜜとう + し → かꜜとうし

Toponymic and surname suffixes, such as 崎（さき）, typically act as pre‐accenting suffixes, shifting the accent nucleus to the mora immediately preceding the suffix (the final mora of the base word), though exceptions exist:

いわ + さき → いわꜜさき (岩崎)
なが + さき → ながꜜさき (長崎; the Kyoto dialect places the accent on the initial mora: なꜜがさき)
かわ + さき → かわさき (川崎; heiban exception)

Particle-like suffixes

Some suffixes notably affect accentless and accented nouns differently, like a trailing particle:

おれ + ら → おれꜜら → おꜜいら（俺等）
かꜜれ + ら → かꜜれら（彼等）
とり + たち → とりꜜたち（鳥達）
ねꜜこ + たち → ねꜜこたち（猫達）
とり + だらけ → とりだꜜらけ or とりだらけ（鳥だらけ）
ねꜜこ + だらけ → ねこだꜜらけ（猫だらけ）

Trailing particles and auxiliaries

The lexical accents of words as shown in dictionaries may be modified if there is a trailing particle or auxiliary.

Noun+particle

The particles are categorized into five groups based on how they modify the accent of the noun they follow.

Group A: か、が、さ、だけ、で、と、に、は、へ、も、や、よ、を、から、きり、しか、ほど、として: These do not modify the noun’s accent. しか, in particular, may shift the accent to the final mora of an otherwise accentless noun.
は + しか → はしか or はꜜしか
さくら + しか → さくらしか or さくらꜜしか
Group B: の (sometimes reduced to ん): This particle only deaccents nouns with an odaka accent and does not affect other nouns.
Group C: ね、かな (doubtful)、かね: This group only affects accentless nouns.
Group D: かい、かな (exclamatory)、こそ、さえ、しも、すら、だの、では、でも、とて、とも、など、なり、ねえ、のみ、まで、やら、ゆえ、より、かしら、くらい・ぐらい、だって、どころ、ばかり、なんか、なんて、よりか、よりも: This group also only affects accentless nouns. However, when trailing an accented noun, くらい・ぐらい and ばかり may alternatively place the accent on the particle’s first mora:
おかꜜし + ぐらい → おかꜜしぐらい or おかしぐꜜらい
おかꜜし + ばかり → おかꜜしばかり or おかしばꜜかり
Group E: だけ: This particle either removes the accent of the preceding noun entirely, or behaves like Group A.

Notes are provided in the table where an accent change occurs.

{| class="wikitable" style="white-space: nowrap;"

! rowspan="2" colspan="4" | Noun's accent

! colspan="9" | Noun+particle's accent

! Group A +が +から

! colspan="2" | Group B +の

! colspan="2" | Group C +ね +かな

! colspan="2" | Group D +より +かしら

! colspan="2" | Group E +だけ

| rowspan="3" colspan="2" | accentless

| 葉

| は

| はが はから

| はの

| rowspan="3" |

| はねꜜ はかなꜜ

| rowspan="3" style="white-space: normal; width: 10em;" | The particle's last mora is accented.

| はよꜜり はかꜜしら

| rowspan="3" style="white-space: normal; width: 10em;" | The particle's first mora is accented.

| はだけ

| rowspan="3" |

| 水

| みず

| みずが みずから

| みずの

| みずねꜜ みずかなꜜ

| みずよꜜり みずかꜜしら

| みずだけ

| 桜

| さくら

| さくらが さくらから

| さくらの

| さくらねꜜ さくらかなꜜ

| さくらよꜜり さくらかꜜしら

| さくらだけ

| rowspan="9" | accented

| rowspan="3" | odaka

| 山

| やまꜜ

| やまꜜが やまꜜから

| やまの

| rowspan="3" style="white-space: normal;" | Deaccented.

| やまꜜね やまꜜかな

| rowspan="9" |

| やまꜜより やまꜜかしら

| rowspan="9" |

| やまだけ

| rowspan="9" style="white-space: normal;" | Deaccented.

| 休み

| やすみꜜ

| やすみꜜが やすみꜜから

| やすみの

| やすみꜜね やすみꜜかな

| やすみꜜより やすみꜜかしら

| やすみだけ

| 妹

| いもうとꜜ

| いもうとꜜが いもうとꜜから

| いもうとの

| いもうとꜜね いもうとꜜかな

| いもうとꜜより いもうとꜜかしら

| いもうとだけ

| rowspan="3" | nakadaka

| お菓子

| おかꜜし

| おかꜜしが おかꜜしから

| おかꜜしの

| rowspan="6" |

| おかꜜしね おかꜜしかな

| おかꜜしより おかꜜしかしら

| おかしだけ

| 湖

| みずうꜜみ

| みずうꜜみが みずうꜜみから

| みずうꜜみの

| みずうꜜみね みずうꜜみかな

| みずうꜜみより みずうꜜみかしら

| みずうみだけ

| 飲み物

| のみꜜもの

| のみꜜものが のみꜜものから

| のみꜜものの

| のみꜜものね のみꜜものかな

| のみꜜものより のみꜜものかしら

| のみものだけ

| rowspan="3" | atamadaka

| 木

| きꜜ

| きꜜが きꜜから

| きꜜの

| きꜜね きꜜかな

| きꜜより きꜜかしら

| きだけ

| 春

| はꜜる

| はꜜるが はꜜるから

| はꜜるの

| はꜜるね はꜜるかな

| はꜜるより はꜜるかしら

| はるだけ

| 緑

| みꜜどり

| みꜜどりが みꜜどりから

| みꜜどりの

| みꜜどりね みꜜどりかな

| みꜜどりより みꜜどりかしら

| みどりだけ

Noun ending in 特殊拍+の

The table above shows that the particle の does not affect certain nakadaka nouns. However, if a nakadaka noun ends in a special mora (特殊拍, see #Accent nuclei, defective morae and compound-induced accent shifts above), の deaccents it just like it does an odaka noun.

にほꜜん + の → にほんの（日本の）
にっぽꜜん + の → にっぽんの（日本の）
ちょうせꜜん + の → ちょうせんの（朝鮮の）
きのꜜう + の → きのうの（昨日の）
りゅうきゅꜜう + の → りゅうきゅうの（琉球の）

It has been argued that this behavior of these nakadaka nouns, coupled with that of odaka nouns, is proof that Japanese is a syllabic language rather than a moraic one, and syllables do indeed exist in Japanese, despite some objection such as These two groups of nouns can be classed as accented on the last syllable and deaccented if followed by の because (1) the odaka nouns end in a 自立拍, therefore their last "syllable" is accented and (2) the nakadaka nouns ends in a 自立拍 followed by a 特殊拍, therefore the last "syllable" is also accented. Here, the above examples are restated with added periods to denote "syllabic" boundaries, and with boldened last "syllables":

や.まꜜ + の → や.ま.の（山の）(odaka)
や.す.みꜜ + の → や.す.み.の（休みの）(odaka)
い.もう.とꜜ + の → い.もう.と.の（妹の）(odaka)

ちょう.せꜜん + の → ちょう.せん.の（朝鮮の） (nakadaka)
き.のꜜう + の → き.のう.の（昨日の） (nakadaka)
りゅう.きゅꜜう + の → りゅう.きゅう.の（琉球の） (nakadaka)

Nominal odaka exception+の

Certain odaka nouns and nakadaka nouns ending in a 特殊拍,

よそꜜ + の → よそꜜの（余所の）

The following nouns are all fundamentally atamadaka, but because the first mora is devoiced, some speakers pronounce them odaka instead. As explained, the particle の will not delete this sort of odaka accent:

ききꜜ + の + ときꜜ → ききꜜのとき（危機の時）
ひしょꜜ + の + ひと → ひしょꜜのひと（秘書の人）
ふきꜜ + の + きゃく → ふきꜜのきゃく（不帰の客）
ちちꜜ + の + きゃく → ちちのきゃく or ちちꜜのきゃく（父の客）
きしゃꜜ + の + なꜜか → きしゃのなꜜか or きしゃꜜのなか（汽車の中）

Νouns that shift towards a "syllable-final" accent (on their second-to-last mora, with the last mora being a 特殊拍—as described above in the 「特殊拍+の」 subsection) are likewise not deaccented:

しきꜜん + の + ふそく → しきꜜんのふそく（資金の不足）
ふきꜜん + の + ひと → ふきꜜんのひと（付近の人）
きかꜜい + の + はなしꜜ → きかꜜいのはなし（機械の話）

(all three of these examples are, once again, fundamentally atamadaka: しꜜきん、ふꜜきん、きꜜかい)

Noun+auxiliary

Auxiliaries can be categorized into four groups:

Group a: だ: This auxiliary inherits the accent of the nouns.
Group b: です、みたい: This group only affects the accent of accentless nouns (accentless).
A phrase with an accented noun followed by みたい in particular may alternatively have two accent nuclei:
はꜜる + みたい → はꜜるみたい or はꜜる　みꜜたい（春みたい）
みずうꜜみ + みたい → みずうꜜみみたい or みずうꜜみ　みꜜたい（湖みたい）
Group c: だろう、でしょう、らしい: This group also only affects the accent of accentless nouns.
Group d: らしい: This auxiliary may affect all nouns, or only accentless nouns (Group c).

Notes are given where there's a change in accent.

{| class="wikitable"

!rowspan=2 colspan=4|Noun's accent

!colspan=7|Noun+auxiliary's accent

!Group a +だ

!colspan=2|Group b +です

!colspan=2|Group c +だろう

!colspan=2|Group d +らしい

|rowspan=3 colspan=2|accentless

|葉

|は

|はだ

|はでꜜす

|rowspan=3 style=width:8em|The auxiliary's penultimate mora is accented.

|はだろꜜう

|rowspan=3 style=width:8em|The auxiliary's penultimate mora is accented.

|はらしꜜい

|rowspan=12 style=width:8em|The auxiliary's penultimate mora is accented.

|水

|みず

|みずだ

|みずでꜜす

|みずだろꜜう

|みずらしꜜい

|桜

|さくら

|さくらだ

|さくらでꜜす

|さくらだろꜜう

|さくららしꜜい

|rowspan=9|accented

|rowspan=3|odaka

|山

|やまꜜ

|やまꜜだ

|やまꜜです

|rowspan=9|

|やまꜜだろう

|rowspan=9|

|やまらしꜜい

|休み

|やすみꜜ

|やすみꜜだ

|やすみꜜです

|やすみꜜだろう

|やすみらしꜜい

|妹

|いもうとꜜ

|いもうとꜜだ

|いもうとꜜです

|いもうとꜜだろう

|いもうとらしꜜい

|rowspan=3|nakadaka

|お菓子

|おかꜜし

|おかꜜしだ

|おかꜜしです

|おかꜜしだろう

|おかしらしꜜい

|湖

|みずうꜜみ

|みずうꜜみだ

|みずうꜜみです

|みずうꜜみだろう

|みずうみらしꜜい

|飲み物

|のみꜜもの

|のみꜜものだ

|のみꜜものです

|のみꜜものだろう

|のみものらしꜜい

|rowspan=3|atamadaka

|木

|きꜜ

|きꜜだ

|きꜜです

|きꜜだろう

|きらしꜜい

|春

|はꜜる

|はꜜるだ

|はꜜるです

|はꜜるだろう

|はるらしꜜい

|緑

|みꜜどり

|みꜜどりだ

|みꜜどりです

|みꜜどりだろう

|みどりらしꜜい

Attributive phrase+noun+particle/auxiliary

When certain accentless nouns (accentless), such as 日（ひ）, 上（うえ）, 下（した）, 家（うち）, 人（ひと）, 所（ところ）, etc. are attributively modified by another accentless or odaka word and simultaneously followed by a particle or an auxiliary, the accent of the entire phrase may fall on the last mora of such nouns. Some examples include:

こんな + ひ + に → こんなひꜜに（こんな日に）
あくる + ひ + は → あくるひꜜは（あくる日は）
あくる + ひ + だ → あくるひꜜだ（あくる日だ）
やま + の + うえ + に → やまのうえꜜに（山の上に）
やま + の + うえ + です → やまのうえꜜです（山の上です）
やなぎ + の + した + に → やなぎのしたꜜに（柳の下に）
となり + の + うち + から → となりのうちꜜから（隣の家から）
となり + の + うち + だ → となりのうちꜜだ（隣の家だ）
おとこꜜ + の + ひと + が → おとこのひとꜜが（男の人が）
おとこꜜ + の + ひと + です → おとこのひとꜜです（男の人です）
おなじ + ところ + へ → おなじところꜜへ（同じ所へ）

Adverbial+particle/auxiliary

When an accentless adverbial (accentless) is followed by a particle or an auxiliary, the accent falls on the last mora of that adverbial (even if that adverbial already contains a particle to begin with).

これから + は → これからꜜは
これから + だ → これからꜜだ
あれだけ + は → あれだけꜜは
これきり + に → これきりꜜに
これきり + です → これきりꜜです
きっと + か → きっとꜜか
きっと + だ → きっとꜜだ
まったく + です → まったくꜜです

Noun vs greeting

Greetings have different accent patterns from the nouns they derive from.

みず → みずを下さꜜい（水を下さい "give [me] water"）: the main verb retains its accent
たべꜜる → たꜜべてください（食べてください "please eat"）: the supplementary verb loses its accent following the pitch fall of the accented verb
あける → あけてくださꜜい（開けてください "please open"）: an accent nucleus emerges on the suffix after an unaccented word

Similarly, the verb (iru) and its negative form (inai) are inherently unaccented (heiban) as main verbs. When functioning as supplementary verbs attached to a te-form, they fuse completely into a single accentual phrase, preserving the pitch behavior of the root verb and preventing any subsequent pitch reset:

たべꜜる → たꜜべている / たꜜべていない（食べている / 食べていない）: the supplementary verb remains entirely low following the accent nucleus of the preceding verb
いく → いっている / いっていない（行っている / 行っていない）: the entire phrase remains completely flat (heiban)

Analysing these components as separate syntactic units incorrectly introduces an unnatural phrase break or an erroneous secondary pitch fall (a common issue in basic automated prosody systems).

Also compare how auxiliary verbs in English usually feature weak and strong forms, where the auxiliary is weak while its main verb counterpart is strong: Do you do it? , I had had it .

Compound -suru verbs

In two-or-more-kanji Sino-Japanese compounds, or native or foreign compounds, the accent of the word before -suru takes precedence:

じゃま + する → じゃまする（邪魔する）
せわꜜ + する → せわꜜする（世話する）
あんなꜜい + する → あんなꜜいする（案内する）
きょꜜか + する → きょꜜかする（許可する）

つぎ + する → つぎする（継ぎする）
たびꜜ + する → たびꜜする（旅する）
あꜜせ + する → あꜜせする（汗する）
ここꜜろ + する → ここꜜろする（心する）
なꜜみだ + する → なꜜみだする（涙する）
だꜜっこ + する → だꜜっこする（抱っこする）

マꜜーク + する → マꜜークする
オミꜜット + する → オミꜜットする
ハꜜッスル + する → ハꜜッスルする

This is also the case for some single-kanji compounds where the kanji is generally capable of representing a free word with its own accent:

とく + する → とくする（得する）
らくꜜ + する → らくꜜする（楽する）
そꜜん + する → そꜜんする（損する）

Numerals

The following table lists some compounds of numerals and their accent.

{| class="wikitable"

!×1

!×10

!×100

!×1,000

!×10,000

!colspan=3|×100,000

!colspan=2|×1,000,000

!×10,000,000

!×100,000,000

!×1,000,000,000

|いちꜜ

|じゅꜜう

|ひゃくꜜ

|せꜜん

|いちまꜜん

|じゅうまꜜん

|ひゃくまꜜん

|いっせんまꜜん

|いちꜜおく

|じゅꜜうおく

|にꜜ

|style="background:yellow"|にꜜじゅう

|にひゃくꜜ

|にせꜜん

|にまꜜん

|style="background:yellow"|にꜜじゅうまん

|にじゅうまꜜん

|にじゅꜜうまん

|にひゃくまꜜん

|にせんまꜜん

|にꜜおく

|style="background:yellow"|さん

|style="background:yellow"|さꜜんじゅう

|style="background:yellow"|さꜜんびゃく

|さんぜꜜん

|さんまꜜん

|style="background:yellow"|さꜜんじゅうまん

|さんじゅうまꜜん

|さんじゅꜜうまん

|style="background:yellow"|さꜜんびゃくまん

|さんびゃくまꜜん

|さんぜんまꜜん

|さꜜんおく

!rowspan=2|4

|よꜜん

|style="background:yellow"|よꜜんじゅう

|style="background:yellow"|よꜜんひゃく

|よんせꜜん

|よんまꜜん

|style="background:yellow"|よꜜんじゅうまん

|よんじゅうまꜜん

|よんじゅꜜうまん

|style="background:yellow"|よꜜんひゃくまん

|よんひゃくまꜜん

|よんせんまꜜん

|よꜜんおく

|しꜜ

|しじゅꜜう

|しひゃくꜜ

!rowspan=2|5

|ごꜜ

|rowspan=2|ごじゅꜜう

|rowspan=2|ごひゃくꜜ

|rowspan=2|ごせꜜん

|rowspan=2|ごまꜜん

|rowspan=2|

|rowspan=2|ごじゅうまꜜん

|rowspan=2|ごじゅꜜうまん

|rowspan=2|

|rowspan=2|ごひゃくまꜜん

|rowspan=2|ごせんまꜜん

|rowspan=2|ごꜜおく

|rowspan=2|

|style="background:yellow"|ご

|ろくꜜ

|ろくじゅꜜう

|ろっぴゃくꜜ

|ろくせꜜん

|ろくまꜜん

|ろくじゅうまꜜん

|ろくじゅꜜうまん

|ろっぴゃくまꜜん

|ろくせんまꜜん

|ろくꜜおく

!rowspan=2|7

|style="background:yellow"|なꜜな

|style="background:yellow"|ななꜜじゅう

|style="background:yellow"|ななꜜひゃく

|ななせꜜん

|ななまꜜん

|ななじゅうまꜜん

|ななじゅꜜうまん

|ななひゃくまꜜん

|ななせんまꜜん

|ななꜜおく

|しちꜜ

|しちじゅꜜう

|しちひゃくꜜ

|しちせꜜん

|しちまꜜん

|しちじゅうまꜜん

|しちじゅꜜうまん

|しちひゃくまꜜん

|しちせんまꜜん

|しちꜜおく

|はちꜜ

|はちじゅꜜう

|はっぴゃくꜜ

|はっせꜜん

|はちまꜜん

|はちじゅうまꜜん

|はちじゅꜜうまん

|はっぴゃくまꜜん

|はっせんまꜜん

|はちꜜおく

!rowspan=3|9

|きゅꜜう

|style="background:yellow"|きゅꜜうじゅう

|style="background:yellow"|きゅꜜうひゃく

|きゅうせꜜん

|きゅうまꜜん

|style="background:yellow"|きゅꜜうじゅうまん

|きゅうじゅうまꜜん

|きゅうじゅꜜうまん

|style="background:yellow"|きゅꜜうひゃくまん

|きゅうひゃくまꜜん

|きゅうせんまꜜん

|きゅꜜうおく

|くꜜ

|rowspan=2|くじゅꜜう

|rowspan=2|

|rowspan=2|くまꜜん

|rowspan=2|

|style="background:yellow"|く

A few patterns can be spotted:

For numerals from 1-9 (いち～きゅう・く), the accent is tentatively placed on the last mora, and if that mora is a 特殊拍, the accent is shifted backward. Exceptions include さん and なꜜな.
For compounds from 10 to 90 (じゅう～きゅうじゅう・くじゅう), じゅ is accented, except in にꜜじゅう、さꜜんじゅう、よꜜんじゅう、ななꜜじゅう、きゅꜜうじゅう.
For compounds from 100 to 900 (ひゃく～きゅうひゃく), the accent is odaka, except in さꜜんびゃく、よꜜんひゃく、ななꜜひゃく、きゅꜜうひゃく.
For compounds from 1,000 to 100,000 (せん～じゅうまん), the accented morae are せ・ぜ and ま.
For compounds from 200,000 to 900,000 (にじゅうまん～きゅうじゅうまん), either じゅ or ま can be accented. Alternative exceptions include にꜜじゅうまん、さꜜんじゅうまん、よꜜんじゅうまん、きゅꜜうじゅうまん.
For compounds from 1,000,000 to 90,000,000 (ひゃくまん～きゅうせんまん), the accented mora is ま. Alternative exceptions include さꜜんびゃくまん、よꜜんひゃくまん、きゅꜜうひゃくまん.
For compounds from 100,000,000 to 1,000,000,000 (いちおく～じゅうおく), the accent is tentatively placed on the last mora of the first numeral, and if that mora is a 特殊拍, the accent is shifted backward.

Compounds from 11 to 19:

じゅꜜう + → じゅう
じゅꜜう + → じゅう
じゅꜜう + → じゅう
じゅꜜう + → じゅう
じゅꜜう + → じゅう
じゅꜜう + → じゅう
じゅꜜう + → じゅう
じゅꜜう + → じゅう
じゅꜜう + → じゅう

+ さん → さん
+ ごꜜ → ご
+ くꜜ → く

Additional rules for compounding:

For regular compounds from 20 to 90 whose accented mora is じゅ, and from 100 to 900 with odaka accent, if they additionally compound with a numeral or another compound, the 2nd component's accent takes precedence:
ごじゅꜜう + → ごじゅう
ごじゅꜜう + → ごじゅう
ごじゅꜜう + → ごじゅう
ごじゅꜜう + → ごじゅう
ごひゃくꜜ + → ごひゃく
ごひゃくꜜ + → ごひゃく
ごひゃくꜜ + → ごひゃく
ごひゃくꜜ + → ごひゃく
ごひゃくꜜ + → ごひゃく
ごひゃくꜜ + → ごひゃく
ごひゃくꜜ + → ごひゃく
For irregular compounds from 20 to 900 (in yellow cells in the table), the 1st component's accent takes precedence; if the 2nd component is accented, its accent is, alternatively, kept:
+ さん → さん
+ さん → さん
+ ろくꜜ → ろく or 　ろくꜜ
+ なꜜな → なな or 　なꜜな
+ ろくꜜ → ろく or 　ろくꜜ
+ なꜜな → なな or 　なꜜな
+ にꜜじゅう → にじゅう or 　にꜜじゅう
+ ごじゅꜜう → ごじゅう or 　ごじゅꜜう
+ ごじゅういちꜜ → ごじゅういち or 　ごじゅういちꜜ
Compounds resulting from rule 1 follow rule 2:
+ さん → さん
+ ろくꜜ → ろく or 　ろくꜜ
+ なꜜな → なな or 　なꜜな

Numeral+counter

Compounds formed from one or more numerals and a counter often obey certain rules. Counters can be categorized into five groups, and multiple subgroups, depending on the resulting accent:

Group D: The resulting accent is mostly accentless:
Group D1: Always:
週（しゅう） → いっしゅう、にしゅう、さんしゅう、よんしゅう、ごしゅう、ろくしゅう、ななしゅう、はっしゅう、きゅうしゅう、じゅっしゅう・じっしゅう
倍（ばい） → いちばい、にばい、さんばい、よんばい、ごばい、ろくばい、ななばい、はちばい、きゅうばい、じゅうばい
校（こう）("proof", ordinal) → いっこう・しょこう、にこう・さいこう、さんこう、よんこう、ごこう、ろっこう、ななこう、はちこう、きゅうこう、じゅっこう・じっこう
人前（にんまえ） → いちにんまえ、ににんまえ、さんにんまえ、よにんまえ、ごにんまえ、ろくにんまえ、しちにんまえ・ななにんまえ、はちにんまえ、くにんまえ・きゅうにんまえ、じゅうにんまえ
年生（ねんせい） ("annual/biennial plant", cardinal) → いちねんせい、にねんせい
Group D2: With exceptions:
円（えん） → いちえん、にえん、さんえん、、、ろくえん、、はちえん、、じゅうえん
Group D3: With exceptions:
日（か） (ordinal) → 、ふつか、みっか、よっか、いつか・、むいか、なのか・なぬか、ようか、、とおか
Group E: The resulting accent is mostly odaka:
Group E1: Always:
丁目（ちょうめ） (ordinal) → いっちょうめꜜ、にちょうめꜜ、さんちょうめꜜ、よんちょうめꜜ、ごちょうめꜜ、ろくちょうめꜜ、ななちょうめꜜ、はっちょうめꜜ、きゅうちょうめꜜ、じゅっちょうめꜜ・じっちょうめꜜ
番目（ばんめ） (ordinal) → いちばんめꜜ、にばんめꜜ、さんばんめꜜ、よんばんめꜜ・よばんめꜜ、ごばんめꜜ、ろくばんめꜜ、ななばんめꜜ、はちばんめꜜ、きゅうばんめꜜ・くばんめꜜ、じゅうばんめꜜ
度目（どめ） (ordinal) → いちどめꜜ、にどめꜜ、さんどめꜜ、よんどめꜜ・よどめꜜ、ごどめꜜ、ろくどめꜜ、ななどめꜜ・しちどめꜜ、はちどめꜜ、きゅうどめꜜ・くどめꜜ、じゅうどめꜜ
Group E2: With exceptions:
月（がつ） (ordinal) → いちがつꜜ、にがつꜜ、、しがつꜜ、、ろくがつꜜ、しちがつꜜ、はちがつꜜ、、じゅうがつꜜ、じゅういちがつꜜ、じゅうにがつꜜ
Group E3: With exceptions:
尺（しゃく） → いっしゃくꜜ、にしゃくꜜ、、、ごしゃくꜜ、ろくしゃくꜜ、、はっしゃくꜜ、、じゅっしゃくꜜ・じっしゃくꜜ
Group E4: With exceptions:
度（ど） ("time", cardinal) → いちどꜜ、にどꜜ、、・よどꜜ、ごどꜜ、、・、、、
Group E5: With exceptions:
曲（きょく） → いっきょくꜜ、、、、、ろっきょくꜜ、、はちきょくꜜ、、じゅっきょくꜜ・じっきょくꜜ
Group F: In the resulting compound, the counter's first mora is mostly accented:
Group F1: Always:
時間（じかん） (cardinal) → いちじꜜかん、にじꜜかん、さんじꜜかん、よじꜜかん、ごじꜜかん、ろくじꜜかん、しちじꜜかん・ななじꜜかん、はちじꜜかん、くじꜜかん・きゅうじꜜかん、じゅうじꜜかん
時限（じげん） → いちじꜜげん、にじꜜげん、さんじꜜげん、よじꜜげん、ごじꜜげん、ろくじꜜげん、しちじꜜげん、はちじꜜげん、くじꜜげん・きゅうじꜜげん、じゅうじꜜげん
段階（だんかい） → いちだꜜんかい、にだꜜんかい、さんだꜜんかい、よんだꜜんかい、ごだꜜんかい、ろくだꜜんかい、ななだꜜんかい、はちだꜜんかい、きゅうだꜜんかい、じゅうだꜜんかい
番地（ばんち） (ordinal) → いちばꜜんち、にばꜜんち、さんばꜜんち、よんばꜜんち、ごばꜜんち、ろくばꜜんち、ななばꜜんち、はちばꜜんち、きゅうばꜜんち、じゅうばꜜんち
番手（ばんて） (ordinal) → いてばꜜんて、にばꜜんて、さんばꜜんて、よんばꜜんて・よばꜜんて、ごばꜜんて、ろくばꜜんて、ななばꜜんて、はてばꜜんて、きゅうばꜜんて、じゅうばꜜんて
年生（ねんせい） ("-year student", ordinal) → いちねꜜんせい、にねꜜんせい、さんねꜜんせい、よねꜜんせい、ごねꜜんせい、ろくねꜜんせい、しちねꜜんせい、はちねꜜんせい、きゅうねꜜんせい、じゅうねꜜんせい
箇年（かねん） (cardinal) → いっかꜜねん、にかꜜねん、さんかꜜねん、よんかꜜねん、ごかꜜねん、ろっかꜜねん、ななかꜜねん、はちかꜜねん・はっかꜜねん、きゅうかꜜねん、じゅっかꜜねん・じっかꜜねん
箇月（かげつ） (cardinal) → いっかꜜげつ、にかꜜげつ、さんかꜜげつ、よんかꜜげつ、ごかꜜげつ、ろっかꜜげつ、ななかꜜげつ、はちかꜜげつ・はっかꜜげつ、きゅうかꜜげつ、じゅっかꜜげつ・じっかꜜげつ
Group F2: With exceptions:
回（かい） → いっかꜜい、にかꜜい、さんかꜜい、、ごかꜜい、ろっかꜜい、、はちかꜜい、、じゅっかꜜい・じっかꜜい
Group F3: With exceptions:
銭（せん） → いっせꜜん、にせꜜん、さんせꜜん、、・ごせꜜん、ろくせꜜん、、はっせꜜん、、じゅっせꜜん・じっせꜜん
Group F4: With exceptions:
寸（すん） → いっすꜜん、にすꜜん、、、ごすꜜん、ろくすꜜん、、はっすꜜん、、じゅっすꜜん・じっすꜜん
Group F5: With exceptions:
合（ごう） → いちごꜜう、にごꜜう、、、ごごꜜう、ろくごꜜう、・しちごꜜう、、、
Group F6: With exceptions:
畳（じょう） → いちじょꜜう・、にじょꜜう・、さんじょꜜう・、よじょꜜう・、ごじょꜜう、ろくじょꜜう、ななじょꜜう、はちじょꜜう、きゅうじょꜜう・くじょꜜう、じゅうじょꜜう
Group G: The counter's own accent as a free word takes precedence:
オクタꜜーブ　→　いちオクタꜜーブ、にオクタꜜーブ、さんオクタꜜーブ、よんオクタꜜーブ、ごオクタꜜーブ、ろくオクタꜜーブ、ななオクタꜜーブ、はちオクタꜜーブ、きゅうオクタꜜーブ、じゅうオクタꜜーブ
キログꜜラム　→　いちキログꜜラム、にキログꜜラム、さんキログꜜラム、よんキログꜜラム、ごキログꜜラム、ろっキログꜜラム、ななキログꜜラム、はちキログꜜラム、きゅうキログꜜラム、じゅっキログꜜラム・じっキログꜜラム
cc（シーシꜜー）　→　いちシーシꜜー、にシーシꜜー、さんシーシꜜー、よんシーシꜜー、ごシーシꜜー、ろくシーシꜜー、ななシーシꜜー、はちシーシꜜー、きゅうシーシꜜー、じゅっシーシꜜー・じっシーシꜜー
Group H: The accent is tentatively placed on the last mora of the numeral, and if that mora is a 特殊拍, the accent is shifted backward.
Group H1: Always:
個（こ） → いꜜっこ、にꜜこ、さꜜんこ、よꜜんこ、ごꜜこ、ろꜜっこ、ななꜜこ、はちꜜこ、きゅꜜうこ、じゅꜜっこ・じꜜっこ
校（こう）("school", cardinal) → いꜜっこう、にꜜこう、さꜜんこう、よꜜんこう、ごꜜこう、ろꜜっこう、ななꜜこう、はちꜜこう、きゅꜜうこう、じゅꜜっこう・じꜜっこう
キロ → いちꜜキロ、にꜜキロ、さꜜんキロ、よꜜんキロ、ごꜜキロ、ろꜜっキロ、ななꜜキロ、はちꜜキロ、きゅꜜうキロ、じゅꜜっキロ・じꜜっキロ
トン → いꜜっトン、にꜜトン、さꜜんトン、よꜜんトン、ごꜜトン、ろくꜜトン、ななꜜトン、はちꜜトン・はꜜっトン、きゅꜜうトン、じゅꜜっトン・じꜜっトン
時（じ） (ordinal) → いちꜜじ、にꜜじ、さꜜんじ、よꜜじ、ごꜜじ、ろくꜜじ、しちꜜじ、はちꜜじ、くꜜじ、じゅꜜうじ
女（じょ） ("daughter", ordinal) → ちょꜜうじょ、じꜜじょ、さꜜんじょ、よꜜんじょ、ごꜜじょ、ろくꜜじょ、しちꜜじょ、はちꜜじょ、きゅꜜうじょ、じゅꜜうじょ
女（じょ） ("female person", cardinal) → いちꜜじょ、にꜜじょ、さꜜんじょ、よꜜんじょ、ごꜜじょ、ろくꜜじょ、しちꜜじょ・ななꜜじょ、はちꜜじょ、きゅꜜうじょ、じゅꜜうじょ
分（ぶ） → いちꜜぶ、にꜜぶ、さꜜんぶ、よꜜんぶ・しꜜぶ、ごꜜぶ、ろくꜜぶ、ななꜜぶ・しちꜜぶ、はちꜜぶ、きゅꜜうぶ・くꜜぶ、じゅꜜうぶ
分（ふん） → いꜜっぷん、にꜜふん、さꜜんぷん、よꜜんぷん、ごꜜふん、ろꜜっぷん、ななꜜふん、はちꜜふん・はꜜっぷん、きゅꜜうふん、じゅꜜっぷん・じꜜっぷん
羽（わ） → いちꜜわ、にꜜわ、さꜜんば・さꜜんわ、よꜜんわ・よꜜんば、ごꜜわ、ろꜜっぱ・ろくꜜわ、ななꜜわ・しちꜜわ、はちꜜわ・はꜜっぱ、きゅꜜうわ、じゅꜜっぱ・じꜜっぱ・じゅꜜうわ
度（ど） ("degree", cardinal) → いちꜜど、にꜜど、さꜜんど、よꜜんど、ごꜜど、ろくꜜど、ななꜜど・しちꜜど、はちꜜど、きゅꜜうど・くꜜど、じゅꜜうど
Group H2: With exceptions:
歳（さい） → いꜜっさい、にꜜさい、さꜜんさい、よꜜんさい、ごꜜさい、ろくꜜさい・、ななꜜさい、はꜜっさい、きゅꜜうさい、じゅꜜっさい・じꜜっさい
Group H3: With exceptions:
軒（けん） → いꜜっけん、にꜜけん、さꜜんげん、よꜜんけん、、ろꜜっけん、ななꜜけん、はちꜜけん、きゅꜜうけん、じゅꜜっけん・じꜜっけん
Group H4: With exceptions:
町・丁（ちょう） (cardinal) → いꜜっちょう、にꜜちょう、さꜜんちょう、よꜜんちょう、・ごꜜちょう、ろくꜜちょう・、ななꜜちょう、はꜜっちょう、きゅꜜうちょう、じゅꜜっちょう・じꜜっちょう
Group H5: With exceptions:
問（もん） → いちꜜもん、にꜜもん、さꜜんもん、よꜜんもん、、ろくꜜもん、ななꜜもん・しちꜜもん、はちꜜもん、きゅꜜうもん、じゅꜜうもん
Group H6: With exceptions:
台（だい） → いちꜜだい、にꜜだい、さꜜんだい、よꜜんだい・、、ろくꜜだい、ななꜜだい、はちꜜだい、きゅꜜうだい・、じゅꜜうだい
Group H7: With exceptions:
升（しょう） → いꜜっしょう、にꜜしょう、、よꜜんしょう、、ろくꜜしょう・、ななꜜしょう、はꜜっしょう、きゅꜜうしょう、じゅꜜっしょう・じꜜっしょう
Group H8: With exceptions:
段（だん） → いちꜜだん、にꜜだん、、よꜜんだん・、、ろくꜜだん、ななꜜだん・しちꜜだん、はちꜜだん、きゅꜜうだん・、じゅꜜうだん
番（ばん） → いちꜜばん、にꜜばん、、よꜜんばん・、、ろくꜜばん、ななꜜばん・しちꜜばん、はちꜜばん、きゅꜜうばん・、じゅꜜうばん
Group H9: With exceptions:
人（にん） → いちꜜにん、にꜜにん、、、、ろくꜜにん、しちꜜにん、はちꜜにん、、じゅꜜうにん
Group H10: With exceptions:
年（ねん） → いちꜜねん、にꜜねん、、、、ろくꜜねん、しちꜜねん、はちꜜねん、・きゅꜜうねん、じゅꜜうねん
Group H11: With exceptions:
幕（まく） → ひとꜜまく、、さꜜんまく・みꜜまく、よꜜんまく・よꜜまく、ごꜜまく、ろくꜜまく、ななꜜまく・しちꜜまく、はちꜜまく、きゅꜜうまく、じゅꜜうまく
Group H12: With exceptions:
月（つき） → ひとꜜつき、ふたꜜつき・、みꜜつき、よꜜつき、いつꜜつき、むꜜつき、ななꜜつき、やꜜつき、ここのꜜつき、とꜜつき
Group H13: With exceptions:
揃い（そろい） → ひとꜜそろい、、、、いつꜜそろい、、ななꜜそろい、、、
Group H14: With exceptions:
人（り・たり） → ひとꜜり、、みꜜたり、・よꜜたり

A more comprehensive index of counters and their groups entitled 助数詞索引 can be found in the NHK日本語発音アクセント辞典.

Dvandva compounds

A dvandva compound (AB = "A and B") preserves the accent pattern of either only the first constituent (A), or both constituents (A and B):

あꜜめ + かぜ → あꜜめかぜ(雨風 "rain and wind")
はꜜる + あꜜき → はꜜるあき(春秋 "spring and autumn")
なつꜜ + ふゆꜜ → なꜜつふゆ(夏冬 "summer and winter")
やまꜜ + かわꜜ → やまꜜかわ(山川 "mountains and rivers"; compare やまがわ "river in mountains" which is not dvandva)
くꜜろ + しꜜろ → くꜜろしろ(黒白 "black and white")
しꜜろ + くꜜろ → しꜜろくろ(白黒 "white and black")
てꜜ + あしꜜ → てꜜあし(手足 "hands and feet")
もも + くりꜜ → ももくり(桃栗 "peaches and chestnuts")
ちちꜜ + はꜜは → ちちꜜはは(父母 "father and mother")
としꜜ + つきꜜ → としꜜつき(年月 "years and months")
あꜜさ + ばん → あꜜさばん(朝晩 "morning and evening")
すきꜜ + きらいꜜ → すきꜜきらい(好き嫌い "likes and dislikes")
いき + かえりꜜ → いきかえり(行き帰り "going and coming back")

どよꜜう + にちよꜜう → どよꜜう　にちよꜜう(土曜日曜 "Saturday and Sunday")
チェꜜコ + スロバꜜキア → チェꜜコ　スロバꜜキア("Czechia and Slovakia; Czechoslovakia")

Historical shifts in Sino-Japanese vocabulary

The pitch accent of Sino-Japanese vocabulary (kango) often traces back to the original Middle Chinese tones of the constituent characters. During the Late Middle Japanese period, Chinese tones were mapped onto Japanese high and low pitch registers such as kōki () and teiki (). While conservative dialects like the Kansai dialect often preserve these etymological pitch paradigms, the standard Tokyo dialect has undergone numerous independent shifts, obscuring the historical origins of many words.

The word kisetsu (, "season") illustrates this evolutionary divergence. The compound consists of (historically carrying the Middle Chinese departing tone) and (carrying the entering tone). When imported, both characters mapped to the high kōki register, producing a high-initial pitch drop. The Kyoto dialect conservatively retains this etymological pattern, placing the accent nucleus immediately after the first mora.

In contrast, the Tokyo accentuation for the word has experienced significant turbulence over the last century. Early 20th-century prescriptive standards, such as the 1943 NHK pronunciation dictionary, recorded an unaccented heiban pattern as the primary form, followed by a nakadaka (type 2) variant. At that time, a modern atamadaka (type 1) pattern was phonologically blocked because the high vowel /i/ in the first mora was heavily devoiced (ki̥-) between the voiceless consonants /k/ and /s/. Because a voiceless mora cannot physically bear an accent kernel, speakers seeking to accent the word were forced to shift the pitch drop to the second, voiced mora—employing the nakadaka variant to reconcile coinciding devoicing and accenting.

In modern standard speech, the word has largely shifted to the atamadaka pattern. This transition required a phonetic reversal where speakers actively revoiced the initial vowel to allow it to carry the pitch drop, a shift driven by a broader morphological tendency to place accent kernels on the first mora of nouns to establish clearer word boundaries in spoken discourse. Although this modern Tokyo pattern superficially resembles the conservative Kyoto accentuation, it is the result of independent regional innovations rather than shared historical preservation.

Examples of words that differ only in pitch

In standard Japanese, about 47% of words are unaccented and around 26% are accented on the antepenultimate mora. However, this distribution is highly variable between word categories. For example, 70% of native nouns are unaccented, while only 50% of kango and only 7% of loanwords are unaccented. In general, most 1–2 mora words are accented on the first mora, 3–4 mora words are unaccented, and words of greater length are almost always accented on one of the last five morae.

The following chart gives some examples of minimal pairs of Japanese words whose only differentiating feature is pitch accent. An accentual fall is indicated with the IPA symbol for "downstep," , a notation used by , but it is not to be confused with actual downstep, which is not a fall from a high to low tone, but the lowering of high tones only.

:{| class="wikitable"

!Romanization

!colspan=3|Accent on first mora

!colspan=3|Accent on second mora

!colspan=3|Accentless

|hashi はし

| háshì||||chopsticks

| hàshí||||bridge

| hàshí||||edge

|hashi-ni はしに

| háshì-nì||||at the chopsticks

| hàshí-nì||||at the bridge

| hàshi-ni||||at the edge

|ima いま

| ímà||||now

| ìmá||||living room

|colspan=3|

|kaki かき

| kákì||||oyster

| kàkí||||fence

| kàkí||||persimmon

|kaki-ni かきに

| kákì-nì||||at the oyster

| kàkí-nì||||at the fence

| kàki-ni||||at the persimmon

|sake さけ

| sákè||||salmon

|colspan=3|

| sàké||||alcohol, sake

|nihon にほん

| níhòn||||two sticks of

| nìhón||||Japan

|colspan=3|

In isolation, the words hashi はし hàshí "bridge" and hashi hàshí "edge" are pronounced identically, starting low and rising to a high pitch. However, the difference becomes clear in context. With the simple addition of the particle ni "at", for example, hàshí-nì "at the bridge" acquires a marked drop in pitch, while hàshi-ni "at the edge" does not. However, because the pitch drop occurs after the first mora of the accented syllable, a word with a final long accented syllable would contrast all three patterns even in isolation: an accentless word nihon, for example, would be pronounced , differently from either of the words above. In 2014, a study recording the electrical activity of the brain showed that native Japanese speakers mainly use context, rather than pitch accent information, to contrast between words that differ only in pitch.

This property of the Japanese language allows for a certain type of pun, called , combining two words with the same or very similar sounds but different pitch accents and thus meanings. For example, kaeru-ga kaeru . These are considered quite corny, and are associated with .

Since any syllable, or none, may be accented, Tokyo-type dialects have N+1 possibilities, where N is the number of syllables (not morae) in a word, though this pattern only holds for a relatively small N.

{| class="wikitable"

|+The accent system of Tokyo dialect

!accented syllable!!one-syllable word!!two-syllable word !! three-syllable word

!0 (no accent)

| —

|colspan=2| —

Other dialects

thumb|350px|Pitch-accent systems of Japanese. Blues: Tokyo type. Yellow-orange: Kyoto–Osaka (Keihan) type. Pink: Two-pattern accent. White: No accent. Speckled areas are ambiguous.

Accent and tone are the most variable aspect of Japanese dialects. Some have no accent at all; of those that do, it may occur in addition to a high or low word tone.

The dialects that have a Tokyo-type accent, like the standard Tokyo dialect described above, are distributed over Hokkaido, northern Tohoku, most of Kanto, most of Chūbu, Chūgoku and northeastern Kyushu. Most of these dialects have a more-or-less high tone in unaccented words (though first mora has low tone, and following morae have high tone); an accent takes the form of a pitch drop, after which the tone stays low. But some dialects, for example, dialects of northern Tohoku and eastern Tottori, typically have a more-or-less low tone in unaccented words; accented syllables have a high tone, with low tone on either side, rather like English stress accent. In any case, the pitch drop has phonological meaning and the syllable followed by pitch drop is said to be "accented".

Keihan (Kyoto–Osaka)-type dialects of Kansai and Shikoku have nouns with both patterns: That is, they have tone differences in unaccented as well as accented words, and both accentual falls in some high-tone words and a high-tone accent in some low-tone words. In the neighboring areas of Tokyo-type and Keihan-type such as parts of Kyushu, northeastern Kanto, southern Tohoku, around Fukui, around Ōzu in Ehime and elsewhere, nouns are not accented at all.

Kyushu (two-pattern type)

In western and southern Kyushu dialects (pink area on the map on the right), a high tone falls on a predictable syllable, depending only on whether the noun has an accent. This is termed a two-pattern (nikei) system, as there are two possibilities, accented and not accented. For instance, in the Kagoshima dialect unaccented nouns have a low tone until the final syllable, at which point the pitch rises. In accented nouns, however, the penultimate syllable of a phonological word has a high tone, which drops on the final syllable. (Kagoshima phonology is based on syllables, not on morae.) For example, irogami 'colored paper' is unaccented in Kagoshima, while kagaribi 'bonfire' is accented. The ultimate or penultimate high tone will shift when any unaccented grammatical particle is added, such as nominative -ga or ablative -kara:

In the Shuri dialect of the Okinawan language, unaccented words are high tone; accent takes the form of a pitch drop after the second syllable, or after the first syllable of a disyllabic noun. However, the accents patterns of the Ryukyuan languages are varied, and do not all fit the Japanese patterns.

Nikei accents are also found in parts of Fukui and Kaga in Hokuriku region (green area on map).

No accent versus one-pattern type

In Miyakonojō, Miyazaki Prefecture (the small black area on map), there is a single accent: all phonological words have a low tone until the final syllable, at which point the pitch rises. That is, every word has the pitch pattern of Kagoshima . This is called an (one-pattern) accent. Phonologically, it is the same as the absence of an accent (white areas on map), and is sometimes counted as such, as there can be no contrast between words based on accent. However, speakers of -type dialects feel that they are accenting a particular syllable, whereas speakers of unaccented dialects have no such intuition.

Keihan (Kyoto–Osaka type)

Near the old capital of Kyoto, in Kansai, Shikoku, and parts of Hokuriku (the easternmost Western Japanese dialects), there is a more innovative system, structurally similar to a combination of these patterns. There are both high and low initial tone as well as the possibility of an accented mora. That is, unaccented nouns may have either a high or a low tone, and accented words have pitch accent in addition to this word tone. This system will be illustrated with the Kansai dialect of Osaka.

{| class="wikitable"

|+The tone-accent system of Osaka dialect

|-align="center"

!!!accented mora!!one mora!!two-mora word !! three-mora word !! gloss

!rowspan=8|high tone

!rowspan=3|(no accent)

| /ki/ [kíí]

| /kiɡa/ [kíɡá]

| /kikara/ [kíkáɾá]

| 'mind'

| —

| /kaze/ [kázé]

| /kazeɡa/ [kázéɡá]

| 'wind'

|colspan=2| —

| /jameru/ [jáméɾɯ́]

| 'stop'

!rowspan=3|1

| /hiꜜ/ [çíì]

| /hiꜜɡa/ [çíɡà]

| /hiꜜkara/ [çíkàɾà]

| 'day'

| —

| /kaꜜwa/ [káwà]

| /kaꜜwaɡa/ [káwàɡà]

| 'river'

|colspan=2| —

| /siꜜroi/ [ɕíɾòì]

| 'be white'

| —

|(none)

| /ataꜜma/ [átámà]

| 'head'

|colspan=2| —

|(few words, if any)

!rowspan=6|low tone

!rowspan=3|(no accent)

| /˩ki/ [kìí]

| /˩kiɡa/ [kìɡá]

| /˩kikara/ [kìkàɾá]

| 'tree'

| —

| /˩ito/ [ìtó]

| /˩itoɡa/ [ìtòɡá]

| 'thread'

|colspan=2| —

| /˩okiru/ [òkìɾɯ́]

| 'to get up'

!rowspan=2|2

| —

| /˩haruꜜ/ [hàɾɯ́ ~ hàɾɯ̂]

| /˩haruꜜɡa/ [hàrɯ́ɡà]

| 'spring'

|colspan=2| —

| /˩kusuꜜri/ [kɯ̀sɯ́ɾì]

| 'medicine'

|colspan=2| —

| /˩maQtiꜜ/ [màttɕí ~ màttɕî]

| 'match'

|- style="background-color:#f2f2f2"

| colspan="6" | Low tone is considered to be marked (transcribed ). Not all patterns are found: In high-tone words, accent rarely falls on the last mora, and in low-tone words it cannot fall on the first. One-mora words are pronounced with long vowels.

Accented high-tone words in Osaka, like atama 'head', are structurally similar to accented words in Tokyo, except that the pitch is uniformly high prior to the pitch drop, rather than rising as in Tokyo. As in Tokyo, the subsequent morae have low pitch. Unaccented high-tone words, such as sakura 'cherry tree', are pronounced with a high tone on every syllable, and in following unaccented particles:

:High tone , accent on ta:

:High tone , no accent:

Low-tone accented words are pronounced with a low pitch on every mora but the accented one. They are like accented words in Kagoshima, except that again there are many exceptions to the default placement of the accent. For example, tokage is accented on the ka in both Osaka and Kagoshima, but omonaga 'oval face' is accented on mo in Osaka and na in Kagoshima (the default position for both dialects); also, in Osaka the accented is fixed on the mo, whereas in Kagoshima it shifts when particles are added. Unaccented low-tone words such as usagi 'rabbit' have high pitch only in the final mora, just as in Kagoshima:

:Low tone , accent on mo:

:Low tone , no accent:

Hokuriku dialect in Suzu is similar, but unaccented low-tone words are purely low, without the rise at the end:

:: ;

sakura has the same pattern as in Osaka.

In Kōchi, low-tone words have low pitch only on the first mora, and subsequent morae are high:

:: .

The Keihan system is sometimes described as having 2n+1 possibilities, where n is the number of morae (up to a relatively small number), though not all of these actually occur. From the above table, there are three accent patterns for one-mora words, four (out of a theoretical 2n+1 = 5) for two-mora words, and six (out of a theoretical 2n+1 = 7) for three-mora words.

Correspondences between dialects

There are regular correspondences between Tokyo-type and Keihan-type accents. The pitch drop on high-tone words in conservative Keihan accents generally occurs one syllable earlier than in the older Tokyo-type accent. For example, kokoro 'heart' is in Tokyo but in Osaka; kotoba 'word' is in Tokyo but in Osaka; kawa 'river' is in Tokyo but in Osaka. If a word is unaccented and high-tone in Keihan dialects, it is also unaccented in Tokyo-type dialects. If a two-mora word has a low tone in Keihan dialects, it has a pitch drop on the first mora in Tokyo-type dialects.

In Tokyo, all nakadaka verbs have the pitch drop after the second to last mora, except in cases of defective mora. This is the last mora of the verb stem, as in 'be white' and 'get up'. In Kansai, verbs have high- and low-tone paradigms as nouns do. High-tone verbs are either unaccented or are accented on the penultimate mora. Low-tone verbs are either unaccented or accented on the final syllable, triggering a low tone on unaccented suffixes. In Kyoto, verbal tone varies irregularly with inflection, a situation not found in more conservative dialects, even more conservative Kansai-type dialects such as that of Kōchi in Shikoku.

Syllabic and moraic

Japanese pitch accent also varies in how it interacts with syllables and morae. Kagoshima is a purely syllabic dialect, while Osaka is moraic. For example, the low-tone unaccented noun shinbun 'newspaper' is in Kagoshima, with the high tone spread across the entire final syllable bun, but in Osaka it is , with the high tone restricted to the final mora n. In Tokyo, accent placement is constrained by the syllable, though the pitch drop occurs between the morae of that syllable. That is, a stressed syllable in Tokyo dialect, as in kai 'shell' or san 'divining rod', will always have the pattern , never . In Osaka, however, either pattern may occur: tonbi 'black kite' is in Tokyo but in Osaka.

Standard Japanese

Scalar pitch

Accent nuclei, defective morae and compound-induced accent shifts

Compoundified compound nouns vs noncompoundified compound nouns

Pitch raising

Nouns derived from other parts of speech

Nouns derived from single verbs

Nouns derived from compound verbs

-sa nouns derived from adjectives

-mi nouns derived from adjectives

-ke/ge nouns

Nominal affixes

Noun–noun compounds

Prefixes

Short suffixes

Long suffixes

Proper name suffixes

Particle-like suffixes

Trailing particles and auxiliaries

Noun+particle

Noun ending in 特殊拍+の

Nominal odaka exception+の

Noun+auxiliary

Attributive phrase+noun+particle/auxiliary

Adverbial+particle/auxiliary

Noun vs greeting

Compound -suru verbs

Numerals

Numeral+counter

Dvandva compounds

Historical shifts in Sino-Japanese vocabulary

Examples of words that differ only in pitch

Other dialects

Kyushu (two-pattern type)

No accent versus one-pattern type

Keihan (Kyoto–Osaka type)

Correspondences between dialects

Syllabic and moraic

Notes

References

Bibliography

External links