Grizzly Bear (dance)

thumb|upright=1.5|alt=Caricature of an American couple dancing and a drawing of a Parisian ballroom scene.|Caricatures of two versions of the dance in 1912: the American and bourgeois grizzly bear on the left, and the French and popular pas de l'ours on the right.The pas de l'ours, first known by its English name grizzly bear, is a couple dance that emerged in the United States around 1910 and achieved international popularity until the outbreak of the First World War. Its name refers to a stylized and parodic imitation of the swaying gait of a grizzly bear, as well as to the close embrace of the dancers and movements likened to the animal's paws. Performed to ragtime music, the pas de l'ours belongs to a group of early 20th-century American animal dances that shared a taste for fantasy and marked a departure from established social dance conventions. Characterized by syncopated movements, improvisation, and a playful tone, the dance quickly attracted a wide audience. At the same time, it provoked controversy: critics associated its movements with moral laxity, viewed animal imitation as a form of regression, and, in some cases, called for restrictions or bans on public performances. Such reactions were often reinforced by claims that the dance originated in African American communities of the San Francisco underworld. As a result, the pas de l'ours was frequently described as vulgar, a label that sometimes carried racial connotations.

From 1911 onward, several songs by Irving Berlin, notably The Dance of the Grizzly Bear and Everybody's Doin' It Now, played a significant role in popularizing the dance. It initially spread among young immigrants, for whom it could serve as an expression of American identity, before being taken up by high society, which often regarded it as a novelty. Beginning in 1912, this popularity prompted opposition from reform movements, particularly those concerned with safeguarding young women from perceived moral risks. In parallel, dance professionals such as Vernon and Irene Castle promoted efforts to standardize and refine ragtime dances, seeking to remove elements they considered excessive—features that were nonetheless central to the character of the pas de l'ours.

In 1912, the pas de l'ours also gained visibility in France as part of a broader enthusiasm for new dances, supported by performers such as Gaby Deslys and Mistinguett. It was adopted by Parisian high society, which often appreciated its comic aspects, as well as by working-class environments and avant-garde artistic circles. This reception took place within a context of American cultural fascination that included admiration for African American figures such as boxer Jack Johnson, who enjoyed considerable notoriety in Paris at the time. Contemporary film productions provide evidence of this enthusiasm. These varied forms of appropriation of a dance perceived as exotic were interrupted by the First World War but anticipated developments that would later reappear after the armistice, particularly during the vogue of the Foxtrot and the tango.

Ragtime dances

alt=Period recording.|thumb|[[Maple Leaf Rag by Scott Joplin in an orchestral version recorded in 1906.]]

The ' was one of several dances practiced in the United States between about 1910 and 1913 to ragtime music, a term that originally referred to "ragged time". These dances belonged to the category of closed-couple dances, in which partners remained in physical contact, holding one another with both hands or arms.

Ragtime is characterized by syncopation, displaced accents, and rhythmic shifts set against a steady bass pattern. This rhythmic structure influenced the dances performed to it, which were generally based on walking steps that allowed for numerous variations. Dancers could play with the musical structure through foot placement and bodily accents, modify their speed of execution while moving, or introduce visible contrasts to the regular bass line through movements of the arms, shoulders, and hips.

An article published in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch in December 1911 compared the ' to belly dance (then referred to as ') and highlighted features associated with the animal from which the dance took its name, including swaying hips, steps performed with the feet turned outward, and a "bear-like embrace". Another article from the Richmond Palladium, also published in December 1911, suggested that the name ' could be misleading, as it implied a "hugging match", even though the dance could, in principle, be performed in a restrained manner. The article nonetheless identified bodily movement as a central concern, particularly lateral hip oscillations and forward rocking of the torso and abdomen.

In the same month, Marguerite Moers Marshall, writing in The Evening World, similarly argued that the grizzly bear might be danced in a socially acceptable way, but criticized the close physical proximity of some couples, their lateral hip movements, forward thrusting of the torso or abdomen beyond a normal posture, and wriggling of the trunk, which she described as giving the dance an indecorous character. Other articles adopted a more ironic tone. According to the Chicago Inter Ocean, dancers simply embraced, spun, and wriggled body to body in time with the music, likening themselves to a captive grizzly bear. For The Baltimore Sun, the ' was described less as a dance than as a wrestling match, in which each partner maneuvered to control the other through various holds.

Animal dances

The grizzly bear and other ragtime dance steps popular in the United States in the years preceding the country's entry into the First World War are commonly grouped under the label animal dances, a term derived from the animal names assigned to them. This group includes dances such as the turkey trot, the bunny hug, the ', the ', the ', the ', the ', the ', the ', the ', the ', the ', and the '. The breadth of this repertoire has been described as a "zoo", reflecting both the popularity of such dances and the rapid turnover of fashionable steps presented as new variations.

The animal-based names primarily reflect the imitative and playful qualities of the dances. In the case of the ', this imitation involved movements associated with a bear, including pronounced lateral swaying, bent knees, a close embrace with partners positioned chest to chest and arms resting loosely on one another's shoulders, and the curling of the fingers to suggest claws. Through contact with European dances, notably the waltz, African American dance forms incorporated reduced emphasis on contact with the ground and a stiffer torso, while maintaining a strong role for improvisation in adapted versions.

These new forms of entertainment, less constrained by kinship ties and traditional supervision, were encouraged by the spread of collective housing (') and by the emergence of , clubs or amusement societies operated for profit through alcohol sales and characterized by limited oversight of admissions.

Although the waltz, widely regarded as a marker of respectability their execution often differed substantially from the formal model.

Young women dancing in these venues generally did not adhere to the aesthetic ideals associated with the waltz, such as grace, elegance, and refinement. Instead, they favored the ', a slang term designating a closely embraced couple turning and moving in small circles.

A 1908 investigation of New York dance halls commissioned by Belle Moskowitz described the spiel as a vulgar form of dancing involving extensive bodily twisting and spinning and producing sexual excitement. The male partners of spiel dancers were commonly referred to as '. He argues that by incorporating movements previously considered unacceptable, these modern dances contributed to the formation of new expressions of femininity, facilitated greater ease between partners, expanded the range of acceptable bodily contact, and symbolized shifting values surrounding heterosexual interaction.

Role of Irving Berlin

In 1910, the composer George Botsford published the '. His publisher, Ted Snyder, subsequently asked Irving Berlin to write lyrics for a vocal version, which involved only minor melodic modifications. The resulting song, entitled The Dance of the Grizzly Bear, was issued in sheet-music form alongside the original piano-only composition.

The vocal version achieved substantial commercial success, reportedly selling around one million copies. Its popularity contributed to the rapid dissemination of the dance itself.

The lyrics, which humorously evoke the intense excitement generated by the grizzly bear, attest to the notoriety of the dance at an early stage. The opening verses refer to its San Francisco origins, while the refrain emphasizes characteristic elements such as a close embrace (hugged up) and upward shoulder movements. Berlin's text repeatedly alludes to bodily proximity, including tightly holding one's partner ("Hug up close to your baby") and reclining together ("Close your eyes and do some nappin'"), with imagery suggesting drowsiness or hypnotic abandon. who was briefly arrested in Portland after a performance deemed immoral by a women's safety official, and Maud Raymond, both of whom featured it in their vaudeville acts. It was later revived in the Ziegfeld Follies by Fanny Brice and recorded in July 1910 by Stella Mayhew for Edison.

Several authors have observed that these performers were Jewish women often grouped under the label of coon shouters. In scholarship, they are described as figures who challenged prevailing boundaries of race and gender in popular entertainment, compensating for limited formal musical training through eclectic vocal techniques, stylized bodily gestures, and theatrical costuming. Their performances frequently drew on stereotyped representations associated with Blackness, including linguistic affectations and dance steps derived from the cakewalk.

In 1911, building on the success of animal dances, Irving Berlin published Everybody's Doin' It Now. The song is often described as encapsulating both the popularity of these dances and the sense of vitality and sexual freedom associated with them. The refrain's concluding line, "It's a bear!", repeated three times and inspired by the dance of the same name, was reportedly suggested during the composition process by the younger sister of lyricist E. Ray Goetz, who accompanied her suggestion with a dance movement.

The song quickly became emblematic of the new dance craze. During the refrain, the phrase "It's a bear!" was repeated, while dancers mimicked the swaying gait associated with the animal.

Following Marshall Stearns,

Crackdown in dance halls

The popularity of Irving Berlin's song and its repeated use in music-hall performances contributed to the wider public adoption of ragtime dances, particularly the ' and the '. This rapid diffusion also provoked concern and resistance among segments of the social elite. Similar prohibitions were introduced at prominent venues in New York City, New Haven, and elsewhere, and some dance halls attempted to limit outside scrutiny by excluding journalists.

Opposition to the ' and related animal dances developed as part of a broader reform movement concerned with the protection of young women who frequented dance halls. Reformers associated these venues with alcohol consumption and, more generally, with the perceived risk of prostitution. A central figure in this campaign was social activist Belle Moskowitz, who coordinated investigations and public discussions on the regulation of commercial dance spaces.

The campaign began in 1908 with a study of New York City dance halls commissioned by Moskowitz and carried out by Julia Schoenfeld. The investigation examined the relationship between dancing, alcohol sales, and other activities tolerated in some establishments, including gambling and prostitution.

In January 1912, a committee chaired by Moskowitz issued a report on standards of decency in social dancing. The report raised questions about whether dances such as the ' and the ' posed a threat to public morals and whether a distinction could be drawn between forms allegedly originating in disreputable venues and those practiced in elite ballrooms. The committee maintained that its objective was not to condemn social dancing as such, but to target what it described as "indecent buffooneries", distinguishing these from "legitimate dancing".

To support these claims, investigators continued to observe dancing in both high-society settings and popular dance halls. Their reports emphasized bodily proximity, improvised movements, and, in some cases, overtly provocative behavior. Descriptions included dancers extending their arms in imitation of claws, exaggerated swaying or rubbing motions, and performances accompanied by Berlin's songs, which were frequently cited as emblematic of the new dance craze. Some speakers argued that even socially refined versions of the ' should be abandoned, while others presented alternative dances inspired by classical or folk traditions as more acceptable models. Jolson, in particular, offered a retrospective explanation of the ', portraying it as an awkward adaptation of established couple dances by inexperienced dancers in San Francisco venues.

These reform efforts coincided with initiatives by professional dancers such as Vernon and Irene Castle, Maurice Mouvet, and Florence Walton, who sought to "refine" and standardize popular dances that critics had labeled . Their approach was disseminated through illustrated newspaper articles, dance manuals, sheet music, and touring theatrical productions. Dance-hall proprietors were also encouraged to participate by agreeing to ban certain dances deemed "immoral" and by restricting particular forms of syncopated music in musicians' contracts, in exchange for recognition as respectable establishments.

Modernist cleansing

An opposition was thus articulated between ragtime dances, particularly the ', and what contemporaries described as "modern dancing". This distinction, identified in later scholarship, structured much of the discourse surrounding early twentieth-century social dance and framed debates about taste, propriety, and bodily expression.

Acclimatization in France

The ' reached Europe as early as 1911. It was documented in London during the summer, in connection with a tour by Irving Berlin, which contributed to renewed interest in the ' in musical comedy. From July onward, the dance featured prominently in the performances of the American actress Ethel Levey at the Alhambra Theatre. Her solo number, entitled ', attracted considerable attention from critics, who commented on the novelty and visual impact of her interpretation. Contemporary observers described her performance as strikingly modern in appearance and movement, though some suggested that British audiences did not fully appreciate her style.

Levey's reception in Paris the following year was similarly enthusiastic. Appearing with musicians presented in the press as an African American ensemble from New York, she drew favorable comparisons with other popular performers of the period, including Gaby Deslys. French critics emphasized the contrast between Levey's energetic and expressive approach and what they regarded as more conventional or repetitive versions of the bear dance presented in other revues. Several reviewers highlighted the physical intensity of her performance and its distinctive visual character.

During the spring of 1912, the bear dance became a recurrent feature of Parisian music-hall programs. Among the earliest successful interpretations was that of Jane Marnac and , whose version was widely praised and reportedly demanded significant physical exertion from the performers. Contemporary accounts noted that the effort required by the dance sometimes made repeated encores difficult.

In March 1912, the American dance partners Vernon and Irene Castle appeared at the Olympia in the revue Enfin... une Revue!. Performing to Alexander's Ragtime Band, they presented their own interpretation of the '. At the time, their knowledge of the dance was limited to press descriptions, and they assumed that Parisian audiences would be similarly unfamiliar with its established forms. The success of their performance led to an engagement at the Café de Paris and played a significant role in establishing their reputation. This Parisian reception laid the groundwork for the prominence they would later achieve after returning to the United States.

"Theorization" of the dance

Analyzing the rapid expansion of social dance in the United States during the 1910s, Danielle Robinson argues that this development was partly driven by the commodification of dance by professionals, who drew on methods of mass production and rationalization associated with Taylorism.

In France, after an initial period of resistance from some professionals, the newly introduced dances became the subject of new forms of appropriation. Their instruction increasingly took place in dance classes, which multiplied alongside the broader democratization of social dancing. Within this context, competing schools or "academies" asserted their authority and promoted distinct approaches to teaching.

Material supports, often associated with the names of prominent instructors, further contributed to the development of this market. These supports included studio photographs of professional dancers, written theories outlining instructional methods, explanatory diagrams, and in some cases musical scores. Together, they formed part of a growing infrastructure intended to standardize and disseminate dance knowledge.

Rather than enabling individuals to learn dances independently, such schematic representations appear to have served other functions. They contributed to moral regulation by specifying acceptable distances between partners and participated more broadly in a visual culture that promoted the rationalization and standardization of bodily movement. Severini participated in the first exhibition of the Futurists in 1912 at the Galerie Bernheim-Jeune, an event associated with the movement's emphasis on modernity, speed, and dynamism, while also drawing on influences from Divisionism and Cubism. Among the works he exhibited were several paintings in which dance was a prominent subject, including La Danse du Pan Pan à Monico, which contributed to his growing reputation. In the catalogue of a London exhibition, Severini described the painting as an attempt to translate musical rhythm into visual form through the interaction of lines, planes, and colors. According to the presentation text at the Centre Pompidou, the painting exemplifies his use of intense colors and sharply angled, dynamic forms intended to convey movement and sensory impact.

In 1913, Severini revisited the theme in another painting that moved further toward abstraction, replacing figurative representation with a composition of vividly colored, rhythmic elements. These works form part of a broader series devoted to the Grizzly Bear dance. In this series, Severini progressively reduced references to specific settings in order to emphasize rhythm, verticality, and the visual suggestion of movement.

Cinema

In cinema, the grizzly bear step was frequently associated with boxing. This association first appeared in a short film by Henri Pouctal, released in July 1913, Une aventure de Jack Johnson à Paris. The film belongs to the genre of docufiction and focuses on the boxer Jack Johnson, the world heavyweight champion, who was living in France after being prosecuted in the United States under the Mann Act.

One scene depicts Johnson dancing the grizzly bear step with his wife. Contemporary Parisian newspapers also reported that Johnson performed the dance during boxing exhibitions he staged in the evenings at the Folies Bergère, while filming for Pouctal during the day.

Johnson had already attracted attention in New York in 1911 by combining boxing demonstrations with performances of the grizzly bear step, presenting himself in theatrical advertisements as both a singer and a dancer. In Paris, he also danced the grizzly bear at the Bal Bullier, where he established connections with figures such as Arthur Cravan, Blaise Cendrars, and Sonia and Robert Delaunay. Within avant-garde circles, Johnson was perceived as embodying a fusion of American modernity and ideas of primitivism that challenged prevailing bourgeois norms.

The grizzly bear step also lent its name to a surviving short film in the 9.5 mm format, produced after 1922, which reused footage from the now-lost film ' released in December 1913. In this sequence, the boxer Georges Carpentier dances the step at Maxim's with Mistinguett as his partner.

In this scene, Carpentier moves around his partner in a manner recalling a boxing ring. The sequence illustrates the deliberate construction of what has been described as the "Carpentier effect", based on the presentation of the boxer's elegance and controlled movement, and on a broader strategy of self-promotion that extended beyond sport to include music hall and cinema. It also reflects the rivalry between Gaby Deslys and Mistinguett, both of whom sought to associate themselves with fashionable dances of the period.

The grizzly bear step was also used as a comic motif in films such as ' (1913). This short film belongs to the Onésime series directed by Jean Durand, which is known for its emphasis on exaggerated and absurd situations. The plot follows Onésime as he attempts to win a modern dance competition organized by the Académie des Beaux-Arts by learning the grizzly bear step from a specialist, who is humorously portrayed as an actual Pyrenean bear.

A similar premise appears in ', produced by Cines in 1914 and released in France as Patachon et le pas de l'ours, starring Raymond Dandy. In this film, a bear teaches the grizzly bear step to the protagonist.

The Kri Kri (or Patachon) series is characterized by situations that overturn everyday logic, often through the use of special effects. The film belongs to a subgroup of the series sometimes described as "dance-mania comedies", which also includes ' (1913) and ' (1915). In these works, the protagonist's compulsive dancing functions as a central organizing device that links scenes and settings and structures the progression of the narrative.

Legacy

The popularity of the "Grizzly Bear" dance (pas de l'ours) declined before the outbreak of World War I, and ragtime dances were largely curtailed during the conflict. After the war, these dances reappeared in a transformed social context shaped by new cultural practices that had emerged during the interwar period, to which the Grizzly Bear had contributed. Gradually displaced by the foxtrot, the Grizzly Bear has persisted primarily as a cultural reference associated with the prewar era.

The name later reappeared in other cultural contexts. In 1967, the American rock band The Youngbloods released a song titled ', which was presented as an example of a hybrid style described as "rag 'n' roll", intended to combine elements of 1920s ragtime with contemporary electric music. The song achieved only limited success compared with the earlier works by Botsford and Berlin that had popularized the dance.