Fulbert Youlou (19 July 1917 – 6 May 1972) was a Congolese nationalist leader and former Catholic priest who became the first President of the Republic of the Congo upon its independence in 1960.

In August 1960, Youlou led his country into independence. In December 1960, he organised an intercontinental conference in Brazzaville, wherein he praised the advantages of economic liberalism and condemned communism. Youlou disappointed many when he imposed a single-party system and imprisoned union leaders in August 1963; this led to the revolution of the Trois Glorieuses (English: "Three Glorious Days"). Charles de Gaulle despised Youlou and France refused to assist him.

Youth and ordination

thumb|right|Youlou's home region of [[Pool Department|Pool.]]

Youlou, whose last name means "Grape" in Lari, was born in Madibou. His birth date has been indicated as 29 June, 17 June or 19 July 1917. A younger child in a family of three boys, he was a Lari of the Kongo. In 1929 he entered the Petit Séminaire of Brazzaville. or in 1949. He was assigned to the parish of Saint-François de Brazzaville where he directed several youth organisations, sporting activities, and Catholic groups. He also covered the general hospital and the prison. But although Father Lecomte was elected without difficulty to the European college, Youlou suffered a bitter defeat. Although a man of the white church, thereafter he gave himself over to the African resistance. and moreover in October 1953 a complaint was made to the diocese against the young Abbé, caught in the act of adultery. As a disciplinary measure, he was reassigned on 20 November 1954 to a mission in the forest at Mindouli where he was employed as the headmaster of a Catholic school.

During his time at Saint-François, Youlou made an impression as a Lari orator. Many Lari were followers of Matswanism, a messianic movement challenging colonialism which was founded by a Téké [André Matswa or Mutswé], who died in prison in 1942. In addition, his focus on the association enabled him to attach himself to the Lari youth.

Between politician and mystic

In October 1955, thanks to this revolutionary image, a Kongo council (not limited to Lari people) chose Youlou as their representative for the upcoming legislative elections. A story attached him to the Loufoulakari falls, where the great Kongo Boueta Mbongo was decapitated and thrown into the water by the colonisers.

This mysticism was carried over into the electoral campaign. Acts of violence became the method of political action for the Bacongo militants which he oversaw. One of them, Victor Tamba-Tamba, saw his house burnt down and his entire family killed on 28 December. A collection was taken so that he could travel to Paris to attempt to buy weapons and start a war in the country against the newly elected Tchicaya. This voyage allowed him to make some new contacts. as a competitor to the Congolese Progressive Party (Parti progressiste congolais, PPC) of Tchicaya and of the section of the SFIO transformed in January 1957 into the African Socialist Movement (Mouvement socialiste africain, MSA) directed by Opangault. The symbol of the new party was the crocodile, a ferocious and powerful animal linked to sorcery and crime. An anti-communist party of Liberal Christian persuasion, it contained 46 politicians, His political base, hitherto limited to the three regions of Pool, Niari and Bouenza, expanded to include Kouliou, with the assistance of the PPC secretary general, Stéphane Tchitchéllé.

In November 1956, Youlou filed papers declaring his candidacy for the election of the mayor of Brazzaville. However, these papers were in fact supposed to be filed in Pointe-Noire. French colonial officials, aware of Barthélemy Boganda's similar dramatic rise to power in Ubangi-Shari, did not want to take the risk of letting Youlou's request lapse, which could have caused unrest amongst the public, so they informed him of his error. They believed that they could utilize Youlou's influence among the Lari people to their benefit. The municipal elections took place on 18 November 1956 for a single combined European and African council and the UDDIA experienced clear success, taking Brazzaville, Pointe-Noire and Dolisie. Youlou defeated Jacques Opangault who contested the results, and was elected mayor of Brazzaville, the first black elected mayor in French Equatorial Africa, with 23 seats compared to SFIO's 11 and PPC's 3.

Support for Tchicaya's PPC collapsed almost entirely, leaving Opangault and Youlou as the main political contenders in the 31 March 1957 Moyen-Congo Territorial Assembly elections, held to elect a local government, in accordance with the Loi Cadre Defferre which had entered into force in 1956. Despite their earlier successes, the UDDIA's Vice-President Simon Kikounga N'Got quit the movement and founded his own party, the Groupement pour le progrès économique et social du Moyen-Congo (GPES) Simon Kikounga N'Got took the electorate of Niari with him and won over the PPC-MSA coalition. Following negotiations, a coalition government was eventually formed by the MSA and UDDIA, with five ministerial portfolios assigned to each party. Abbé took the ministry of agriculture, intending to take advantage of the numerous tours of the country which the position would require. The UDDIA thus achieved a majority in the Assembly, with 23 seats, which drove Opangault to the point of starting to kill all Lari he could catch in Poto-Poto. Youlou was appointed to the Vice-Presidency. The MSA expressed its outrage and threatened a general war in the country if he didn't get the dismissal of Yambot.

In May 1958 Youlou further reinforced his position. On the 5th, the UDDIA's European deputy Christian Jayle was elected to the Presidency of the territorial Assembly. In addition, after the departure of Jean-Félix Tchicaya from the Rassemblement Démocratique Africain (the pan-African party of Félix Houphouët-Boigny) the UDDIA replaced the PPC as its affiliate in the Congo. Youlou's party thus gained the support of Paris and the goodwill of local authorities.

Constitutional coup d'etat

thumb|left|Youlou in 1958

Despite a degree of antipathy towards Charles de Gaulle, Youlou supported the "Yes" vote in the referendum on the French Community on 28 September 1958, along with Tchicaya. This position received 93% of the vote, thereby reinforcing Congo's autonomy.

On 28 November 1958, the Territorial Assembly met in session to grant institutions to the country. The atmosphere was very tense; socialist sympathisers gathered around the government building.

The opposition, headed by Opangault, denounced this action as a constitutional coup d'État and promised to transform Brazzaville into a war zone.

Head of the Republic of Congo

Establishing personal power

Elimination of parliamentary opposition

On 8 December 1958, Youlou became prime minister. His government sought to make itself representative of Congolese society: it included at least one deputy from each region, representatives of traditional elites and two spokesmen for youth and unions. Two European deputies from the MSA, Albert Fourvelle and André Kerherve, also received positions. Now that he was prime minister, Youlou refused to hold them. Only with the intervention of the French Army on 20 February did the riots come to an end. This fighting marked the beginning of a fierce hostility between the Mbochi and Lari.

Youlou took advantage of these events by arresting Opangault, accusing him of inciting the violence. He was released five months later without ever facing trial, but promising revenge. On 30 April, Youlou finally dissolved parliament, after he had carefully redrawn the electoral districts. On 14 June 1959, the UDDIA won 51 seats in the Assembly, with 58% of the vote. The MSA received only 10 seats.

After these legislative elections, the Assembly became National. It confirmed Youlou in the role of prime minister and then, on 21 November, elected him president of the Republic of Congo. Triumphant over his rivals in parliament, he curbed the inveterate Matswanists who still refused to consider him the reincarnation of Matswa. From June to July 1959, they were hunted down, arrested, and brutally subjugated – one source speaks of 9,000 deaths. On the other hand, Youlou retained Alfred Delarue, his chief of service for "Documentation". Delarue, a former official in the Prefecture of Police of Paris and a Vichy collaborator, had organised, to Abbé's advantage, the elimination of the Congolese far-left, which had regrouped as the Confédération générale africaine des travailleurs (CGTA) and the Union de la jeunesse congolaise (UJC). The next day, the Assembly passed a number of laws restricting fundamental rights.

: The elections of 14 June were not the victory of one party or policy in the way they are in Europe; they mark the beginning of national unity, which can only grow stronger.

On 3 July, Youlou formed his second government, incorporating opposition politicians. On 15 August 1960, Jacques Opangault was made a minister of state and vice-president of the council, highly symbolic positions. Finally, in January 1961, Simon Kikounga N'Got received the portfolio of Economic Affairs. a motion of no confidence in his government was proposed in the Assembly. Offended, Youlou came up naked and pulled an AK-47 from his cassock in the middle of the Assembly and forced the impertinent deputies to retract the motion.

Youlou's economic policy

thumb|Congolese stamp produced in 1907 by the colonial government.

Congo was one of the most economically profitable French colonies; between 1946 and 1959 a number of infrastructure projects were completed and some light industry established. Thus, at independence, Youlou inherited a relatively healthy economy with 37.4% of GDP produced by the primary sector, 20.9% by industry and 41.7% in the tertiary sector. Furthermore, in 1958 the Congo was home to 30,000 civil servants of varying qualification and more than 80,000 students. This educational policy was strongly encouraged by Youlou who assigned 40% of the 1960 budget to education.

Support for economic liberalism

The Congolese leader was a fierce supporter of economic liberalism. After he took power, he adopted a moderate policy, striving to attract investment in his country, as shown in a comment made on 8 December 1958:

: Nous sommes prêts à formuler toutes garanties pour que s'investissent sans crainte, et dans la plus grande confiance, les capitaux publics et privés sans lesquels il n'est pas possible de concevoir la mise en place de grandes sources d'énergie et des usines de transformations.

: We are willing to make every guarantee to ensure the investment, without fear and in the greatest confidence, of the public and private capital without which the establishment of great power sources and factories of transformation is impossible.

Between 1960 and 1963, the Congo registered 38 billion CFA francs gross of investment in its territory, for a GDP estimated at 30 billion CFA francs in 1961. Mineral resources alone attracted 21 billion CFA francs, with manganese exploited by the Compagnie minière de l'Ogooué (COMILOG) and potassium by the Compagnie des potasses du Congo (CPC). Despite Youlou's liberal policies, only 5.5 billion (32%) of this 17 billion came from private capital; international aid (notably from France) supplied 7 billion (41%) and the Congolese government 4.5 billion (27%).

In terms of the balance of trade, the situation seemed to improve during Youlou's presidency. Thus in 1960, the commercial deficit was 5.7 billion CFA francs and in 1963 it was down to 4.1 billion. Each year Congolese exports (excluding diamonds) increased, from 6.1 billion in 1960 to 7.9 billion in 1963. Furthermore, the commercial deficit was greatly reduced by transit tax.

Corruption and major projects

Youlou's administration was not very concerned about its budget deficit. Between 1960 and 1963, the deficit rose to 2.4 billion CFA francs. France graciously financed 1.2 billion. To recover the financial situation, fiscal pressure rose from 17% of GDP in 1960 to 26% in 1963 It is reported that his wardrobe, which contained a full collection of cassocks in white, black, and red, was supplied by the famous fashion designer Christian Dior. It is also reported that for an official visit to France, Youlou had 59 billion CFA francs assigned for his personal expenses.

However, Congo possessed remarkable assets for its development. In addition to its mineral wealth and its timber, the country had notable hydro-electric possibilities at Sounda, near Pointe-Noire, on the Kouilou-Niari River. Enthusiastic about this project, Youlou nevertheless faced two major problems: the incredible cost, estimated at 100 billion CFA francs Youlou attempted to remedy these issues through an active foreign policy.

A "moderate" foreign policy

By an anti-communist and pro-western policy, termed "moderate", Youlou attempted to attract foreign investment in his country. From 15 to 19 December 1960, he held an intercontinental conference in the Congolese capital, which assembled the "moderate" Francophone heads of state. At the end of this conference, the "groupe de Brazzaville" was created, an anti-communist block which was the ancestor of the African and Malagasy Union (OCAM). Although he invited both, Youlou showed more support for the very controversial Tshombe than for Kasa-Vubu. However, his counterpart in Léopoldville was a Kongo like him; they appeared at the time to cherish the hope of reuniting a massive Bakongo state.

Despite his visceral anti-communism, Youlou sought to establish relations with the "revolutionary" Ahmed Sékou Touré of Guinea. He sought, in fact, Guinea's bauxite mines – essential for the Kouilou dam project. Thus, in 1962 he travelled to Guinea. On 5 and 6 June 1963, it was the turn of Sékou Touré to visit Congo, where he was acclaimed by militant unions and youth. On the occasion of his trip, the Guinean leader made encouraging economic promises:

: La Guinée est riche en minerais et elle est disposée, je le dis, à mettre à disposition du Congo toutes les quantités de bauxite ou de fer nécessaires à la réalisation du Kouilou et plus tard à la rentabilité de l'usine qui sera construite. In pursuit of this goal, a round table was organised for 3 August 1963, gathering the leaders of the three parties (UDDIA, MSA and PPC), the relevant unions, representatives in the National Assembly and leaders of the Congolese army. Although not opposed to a one-party state in principle, the unions refused to accept the system proposed by Youlou, on the grounds that they appeared to serve only his interests.

thumb|left|General [[Charles de Gaulle.]]

In order to demonstrate their disapproval, the Congolese trade unions decided to organise an « arrêt de protestation » (protest strike) on 13 August at the Labour exchange in Brazzaville. The day before this protest, in the night, Youlou had the principal union leaders arrested. When this news was announced, the simple protest transformed into a true anti-governmental action. The protestors planned to raid the prison in order to free the union leaders, leading to clashes with security forces. Hundreds of unionists were killed. When they finally succeeded, the arrested leaders could not by found. The anti-governmental protest turned into a riot; the country was paralysed. The French army co-operated with the Congolese forces in order to re-establish order. That evening, Abbé instituted a curfew, declared a state of emergency and called for calm on the radio.

The next day, around noon, Youlou declared on the radio:

: En raison de la gravité de la situation, je prends en mon nom personnel les pouvoirs civils et militaires. Un comité restreint, placé sous l'autorité du chef de l'État, aura pour tâche le rétablissement de l'ordre, la reprise du travail et la mise en place des réformes qui s'imposent.

: On account of the gravity of the situation, I take, in my name, civil and military authority. A select committee under the authority of the Head of State will be charged with restoring order, returning people to work and instituting the necessary reforms.

In the evening, the government was dissolved. However, the ministers Jacques Opangault, Stéphane Tchitchéllé and Dominique Nzalakanda were retained in their roles. On the announcement that the very unpopular Nzalakanda had been retained, the militant supporters of Youlou decided to join the protestors. On the morning of 15 August, the mob marched on the Presidential Palace to demand Youlou's resignation. Some bore placards saying « À bas la dictature de Youlou » (For the fall of Youlou's dictatorship) or « Nous voulons la liberté » (We want freedom). The unionists managed to secure the sympathy of two captains of the Congolese army. One of them, Captain Félix Mouzabakani, was Youlou's nephew. Youlou called de Gaulle and requested French assistance, unsuccessfully asking that French troops near Brazzaville free the Presidential Palace. Accepting the situation, Youlou announced his resignation as President of the Republic, Mayor of Brazzaville and Member of the National Assembly.

The new regime dubbed the protests of 13, 14 and 15 August 1963 "revolutionary" and named them the « Trois glorieuses » (Three Glorious Days).

Forced retirement

Detention and exile

The evening of his resignation, Youlou was imprisoned at the Fulbert Youlou military camp. A few weeks later he was transferred with his family to the Djoué army camp. He appeared to be treated well. Realising that Youlou's days were numbered, his successor as head of state, Alphonse Massamba-Débat, helped him to flee to Léopoldville on 25 March 1965. The Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Moïse Tshombe, immediately granted him political asylum.

On 8 June 1965 a trial of Youlou by popular tribunal began in Congo-Brazzaville. He was accused of genocide, misappropriation of public funds, and of using a Heron war-plane which had been received from the French government for personal purposes. Furthermore, he was held responsible for the death of the three unionists during the assault on the prison on 13 August 1963. He was also charged with having supported the Katangan secession orchestrated by Moise Tshombe. The court condemned him to death in his absence and ordered the nationalisation of all his property, notably a farm at Madibou and two luxury hotels in Brazzaville. Youlo defended himself against these accusations by the publication of a book, J'accuse la Chine (I accuse China), really an anti-communist pamphlet, in 1966.

In November 1965, Youlou expressed a desire for the French government to allow him to settle in Nice to receive medical care. But the former Congolese leader was not in favour in Paris. Yvonne de Gaulle, a fervent Catholic, did not like the eccentric priest, with his wives and children. Despite the advice of his councillor for African Affairs Jacques Foccart, de Gaulle seriously considered returning him to Léopoldville. Finally, Youlou was sent to Spain, where Francisco Franco's regime treated him well. The French government put 500,000 francs at his disposal for him to maintain himself.

Aborted coup d'etat and anathema

After Youlou stepped down, Congo-Brazzaville failed to enjoy political stability. After protests by pro-Youlists in February 1964, supporters of the former regime attempted a coup on 14 July 1966 and again in January 1967 leading to the deaths of several thousand people. On 22 March 1970, a Youlist coup d'état was attempted by lieutenant Pierre Kinganga, but it too failed.

The socialist and revolutionary regime which succeeded Youlou held him responsible for all the country's problems. His name was struck from public discourse. It was in this atmosphere that Youlou died of hepatitis in Madrid on 5 May 1972. His memory was rehabilitated at the National Conference of 1991 which restored multi-party democracy in the Republic of Congo.

Publications

  • Le matsouanisme (Matswanism), Imprimerie centrale de Brazzaville, 1955, 11 p.
  • Diagnostic et remèdes. Vers une formule efficace pour construire une Afrique nouvelle (Diagnosis and Remedy: Towards an Effective Formula for Building a New Africa), Éditions de l'auteur, 1956
  • L'art noir ou les croyances en Afrique centrale (Black Art or the Beliefs of Central Africa), Brazzaville, undated.
  • L'Afrique aux Africains (Africa for Africans), Ministry of Information, 1960, 16 p.
  • J'accuse la Chine (I Accuse China), La table ronde, 1966, 253 p.
  • Comment sauver l'Afrique (How to Save Africa), Imprimerie Paton, 1967, 27 p.

References

Bibliography

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