Francisco del Rosario Sánchez

Francisco del Rosario Sánchez (March 9, 1817 – July 4, 1861) was a Dominican revolutionary, politician, and former president of the Dominican Republic. He is considered by Dominicans as the second prominent leader of the Dominican War of Independence, after Juan Pablo Duarte and before Matías Ramón Mella. Widely acknowledged as one of the Founding Fathers of the Dominican Republic, and the only martyr of the three, he is honored as a national hero. In addition, the Order of Merit of Duarte, Sánchez and Mella is named partially in his honor.

Following Duarte's exile, Sánchez took leadership of the independence movement, while continuing to correspond with Duarte through his relatives. Under Sánchez, the Dominicans would successfully overthrow Haitian rule and declare Dominican independence on February 27, 1844. With the success of the separation from Haiti, Sánchez took office as the Dominican Republic's first interim president before ceding his position.

But his ideas of an independent state were fiercely challenged by many within the sector who felt that the new nation's independence was only a temporary success. Because of his patriotic ideals, Sánchez, like many of his peers, would be on the receiving end of these political struggles. His main political rival was none other than the military general, Pedro Santana. His status as a patriot came with many unfortunate consequences, including incarceration, deprived of his assets, exiled throughout the Caribbean, and worst of all, the death of his companions.

By 1861, his worst fears of the end of the republic came to reality upon learning that the pro-annexation group led by Santana agreed to reintegrate Dominican Republic back to colonial status. With no time to waste, Sánchez rushed back to his homeland to challenge this decision, but was lured into a trap by the very same people who allied with him, leading to his unfortunate death on July 4, 1861. His death triggered a national outrage throughout the island, and marking a new era of struggle for independence, which was eventually achieved in 1865.

Background

Family origins

Sanchez was born on March 9, 1817, in the city of Santo Domingo, during the years of a 12-year era known to Dominicans as España Boba. This period was plagued into an economic and cultural crisis, when Juan Sánchez Ramírez managed to get the "Junta de Bandillo" at the end of 1808 to decide to return to Spain or reincorporate it after defeating French general Jean-Louis Ferrand, in the Battle of Palo Hincado, who applied the Treaty of Basel in 1804, through which Spain ceded the eastern part of the island to France in 1795. Spain was under the Napoleonic invasion, which prevented meeting the requirements of the reacquired colony.

Sánchez was the son of Olaya del Rosario Belén (1791–1849), a free woman of color,, and Narciso Sánchez Ramona (1789–1869), a tall man who was a descendent of slaves. (According to a marriage certificate, which lists both of his parents as free people of color, it is presumed that Narciso may have been a freedman). Because of their different racial and social-economical status (hers being superior to his), Narciso Sánchez and Olaya del Rosario married after a special authorisation given by the mayor.

His mother was a hairdresser who produced combs, while his father worked in the meat trade, selling, butchering and raising cattle. Narciso inherited the occupation from his father, Fernando Raimundo Sánchez, (who was part of the free black population) of which mostly took place in the east, an area where livestock production was concentrated. This job placed him in an intermediate situation between the urban and rural world, which was very common at that time. Much of the herd owners preferred to live in the cities, so they appointment administrators. In the cases of Narciso Sánchez, despite being a resident of Santo Domingo, he spent much of his time in the mountainous life of ranching. According to historian Ramón Lugo Lovatón, his professions allowed him to achieve a certain level of social advancement. However, in his will, he clarified that the couple did not bring property to the marriage, indicating that his professions did not bring fortune to the family.

A detail that illustrates the social status of Sánchez's parents is that their initial relationship was concubinage, despite the fact that the mother had Canarian ancestors. Sánchez had an older maternal brother, Andrés, who was adopted by his father. The same hero was born out of wedlock, and although his final last name was Sánchez, he kept his mother's last name as a middle name. (His surnames are inverted because his parents were not married at the time of his birth, marrying in 1819). His father had a pro-Spanish position, according to Lugo Lovatón, due to the damage that the Haitians had caused, since 1801, to the livestock activity and its owners, the whites of colonial society, who were his employers. These different political positions between father and son portray the changes in mentality that the young liberal founders of La Trinitaria carried out.

Marriages, children, and descendents

thumb|María Gregoria (Goyita), one of Sánchez's elder daughters

thumb|Juan Francisco Peña Sánchez

Francisco del Rosario Sánchez had children with various women, the first being Felícita Martínez, with whom he fathered Mónica Sánchez Martínez, who was born on January 30, 1838. Some years later, he fathered María Gregoria (Goyita) with María Evarista Hinojosa. who was born on November 28, 1841. Goyita had a daughter named Mercedes Laura Sánchez. In exile, Sánchez fathered with Leoncia Leydes Rodríguez (b. September 15, 1846/47), a daughter whom they named Leoncia Sánchez. This she, in turn, had two daughters: Emilia Mercedes and Manuela Dolores Sánchez. With Mercedes Pembrén Chevalier Sánchez procreated Petronila Sánchez Pembrén, who was born on February 22, 1852, who married León Güilamo, they later procreated Mercedes, Rafaela, Micaela, Alicia, León and Asunción Güilamo Sánchez.

Following the death of his mother Olaya del Rosario, he decided to marry Balbina de Peña, daughter of Luciano de Peña and Petronila Pérez, on April 4, 1849, in front of witnesses Román Bidó, Minister of Justice; Jacinto de la Concha and Pedro Alejandro Pina. From this union Juan Francisco was born (b. April 3, 1852) and Manuel de Jesús, (b. February 16, 1854), who died young. Balbina de Peña died at the age of 70 on April 26, 1895. The only surviving son of the Sánchez Peña household was Juan Francisco (Papi) Sánchez Peña, who held the rank of General, was Minister of Finance of the President Ulises Heureaux and was part of the government cabinet of President Morales Languasco. Juan Francisco Sánchez Peña thus fathered two sons named José and Carlos with Caridad Fernández Soñé, granddaughter of the independentist Francisco Soñé. Despite Juan Francisco having recognized them, due to family problems related to his mother, neither of them used the surname Sánchez for most of their lives. In the case of Carlos Fernández, it is likely that he adopted it as a second surname later. He later married Eudocia Maggiolo, who produced Francisco del Rosario, Filomena, Fernando Arturo, María, Flérida and Manuel A. Sánchez Maggiolo. Later he married his niece Emilia Mercedes Sánchez, with whom he fathered Manuel Antonio Francisco, María Patria, Manuel Emilio, Héctor, Carlos Augusto, Emilia, Marina Altagracia, and Juan Francisco Sánchez y Sánchez.

Of this generation of grandchildren of the Father of the Nation, there were several who stood out in national life. Carlos Augusto Sánchez y Sánchez was an illustrious jurist, diplomat, historian and literary critic. His brother Juan Francisco (Tongo) Sánchez y Sánchez, a notable Dominican professor, dedicated mainly to the study of philosophy, and a self-taught pianist. With his notes he usually enlivened the clubs and gatherings of which he was a fervent enthusiast. José Aníbal in turn was the father of the famous Dominican poet, intellectual, narrator, essayist, professor, columnist and advertiser, Enriquillo Sánchez Mulet.

Education, early years and influences

His childhood was spent in the framework of the period of Haitian rule in Santo Domingo, which began in 1822 after the failure of the independence initiative of the enlightened José Núñez de Cáceres, which historians refer to as the "Ephemeral Independence." In spite of his humble origins, Sánchez grew up in a very nationalistic family. He first received his education from his mother, and later by the Peruvian priest Gaspar Hernández, a patriot who encouraged the young Sánchez to follow in his family's footsteps. He was also influenced by his father and aunt, Maria Trinidad Sánchez, both involved in the movement Revolution of Los Alcarrizos, an early resistance that attempted to challenge the dictatorship of Jean-Pierre Boyer, who was the main architect of the regime. This conspiracy was eventually discovered by Boyer, who order all those involved to be executed. Narciso, however, was imprisoned. This action not only caused Olaya to suffer, but it also accumulated into a long lasting fear and worry for her children and husband, who by now was marked as an enemy by the Haitians. And as the young Sánchez grew up emulating his father's revolutionary footsteps, her bitterness and concerns would transcend into the future.

In his youth, Sánchez used to accompany his father in the work of managing agricultural properties, which allowed him to interact with people of different social classes. Beyond what was instilled by his family, Sánchez maintained an effort to educate himself, which was key to his outstanding patriotic action. He was self-taught, like almost all of his classmates. He had a love for culture; he was fascinated with the Bible and even enjoyed reading material by Greek and Roman authors. Historian Juan Daniel Balcácer described Sánchez as tall, with dark skin, a thin build, and extremely circumspect. Possessing a fine sense of humor, he stood out among his friends for his constant smile, always on his lips. He played various musical instruments and enjoyed reciting poetry. According to Eugenio María de Hostos, while educated and having taught himself Latin, English, and French later in life, he is mostly remembered as a man of action.

Rise to Leadership

Recruitment to La Trinitaria

thumb|Juan Pablo Duarte

One day, while attending philosophy classes, he was approached by a classmate, Juan Pablo Duarte, who was immediately intrigued by Sánchez's level of intellect. In 1838, Duarte founded the movement La Trinitaria, a nationalistic organization that intends to bring freedom to the Dominican people, who during this time were living in tyranny under Haitian rule. The main objective of this movement was to movement was to not only overthrow Haitian rule, but to establish an independent state free of foreign power. Seeing Sánchez as a perfect candidate for membership, Duarte didn't think twice before recruiting him. Sánchez had traveled to the United States and Europe as a young man. His vision of the cause was the typical republican goal of the Age of Enlightenment.

With his recruitment, it didn't take long for Sánchez to stand out for his industriousness and determination. Little by little, he gained a leading position in the organization, becoming a fundamental figure in the daily work to achieve the objectives that gave rise to it.

Upon noticing the rise of independence ideas among Dominicans, Haitian President Charles Rivière-Hérard, who came to power after the triumph of La Reforma, decided to make an intimidating visit to the former Spanish colony of Santo Domingo, known to Haitians as “Partie de L´Est”. Duarte and several of his companions, among whom was Sánchez, hid. The Haitians unleashed a tenacious persecution of the fugitives and Duarte, Juan Isidro Pérez and Pedro Alejandro Pina left the country on August 2, 1843. Sánchez could not do so due to being ill, a circumstance that he took advantage of to direct the conspiratorial tasks, virtually replacing Duarte. He gained the support of relatives of some of his colleagues from La Trinitaria, which made it possible for him to remain hidden for more than seven months, since at all times he rejected the possibility of leaving the country. According to historian Frank Moya Pons, in order to act with fewer difficulties, he spread the rumor that he had died and had been secretly buried in the small cemetery of the Carmen church.

It is clear from the letter that Sánchez and Vicente Celestino Duarte intended to carry out separation from Haiti relying only on the Trinitario liberal sector. This is how it can be understood that the reproach they leveled at Mella and the haste they required to prevent their rivals from the third party, the French team, from overtaking them. Sánchez wrote a manifesto calling for independence, which was distributed throughout the country, the text of which has been lost. From information that Pedro Alejandro Pina received and transmitted to Duarte, in a letter dated November 27, 1843, it is deduced that the Trinitarios had recovered from Hérard's repression and were gaining strength, while the French supporters were weakening. Pina says to Duarte:

A few days after the first letter it must have become clear to Sánchez that the sector he led found it impossible to produce independence on its own and that, therefore, it was imperative to reach an agreement with people of other orientations. In this sense, at the end of 1843 he reoriented himself towards achieving an alliance with a conservative sector, a position that he had criticized Mella shortly before. This way we can understand what Pina conveyed to Duarte, in the sense that some French people had joined the liberals. The basic link in such alliance was Tomás Bobadilla, a lawyer who held positions in public administration since the time of España Boba and who had collaborated with the Haitian regime. Bobadilla, like other figures of social prestige, understood that the crisis in which Haiti's ruling groups were struggling had created the conditions to overthrow their rule. For accidental reasons, Bobadilla had not reached agreements with Buenaventura Báez, the dominant figure among the Dominican representatives in the Constituent Assembly of Port-au-Prince, who established secret negotiations with the consul general of France, Emile de Levasseur, in order for the projected independent state to be constituted as a protectorate of France. Such a project was supposed to materialize through the appointment of a French governor for 10 renewable years, the transfer of Samaná and cooperation with France in the reconquest of Haiti.

Liberals and conservatives were aware of their weaknesses and the importance of an alliance, but the attempts that had been made ended in failure. While Duarte was still in the country, meetings were held in which it became clear that the differences were insurmountable. It was up to Sánchez to break this mutual animosity, following the steps initiated by Mella, when he became convinced that the Trinitarian sector he headed could not declare independence on its own. Although conservative participation was crucial for it to materialize on February 27, all the work was directed by Sánchez and his Trinitarian companions, who had a greater capacity for initiative than the Frenchified group. This primacy made it easier for the Trinitarios to remain compact around Sánchez.

Dominican Act of Independence

From this alliance, a document was prepared in which both parties called for the creation of the Dominican Republic. The document is titled “Demonstration of the peoples of the Eastern Part of the formerly Spanish Island or of Santo Domingo, on the causes of its separation from the Haitian Republic” and is known as the Manifesto of January 16 due to the date on which it was read for the first time. Four copies were made, one remained in Santo Domingo and the other three were sent to the main regions of the country: Juan Evangelista Jiménez took it to Cibao, to the south, Gabino Puello, and to the east, Juan Contreras. The Dominican Act of Independence (1844) was a response to the one prepared by Buenaventura Báez on January 1 of the same year, in which he called for the creation of the Dominican Republic as a protectorate of France. The first, on the other hand, clearly stated the purpose of establishing a fully sovereign State, although it did not mention the term independence but that of separation. Even so, there is no hint of protectionist approaches that would mediate national autonomy. The secret dissemination of the text ended up creating the conditions for Haitian rule to be overthrown.

In one of the paragraphs of the manifesto, Sánchez denotes his firm decision to achieve the objective contained in the Trinitarian oath:

First Dominican Republic

Central Government Board

As agreed, his first act after declaration of independence was to take presidency of the Central Government Board, designed to govern over the nation in the wake of its independence. His first and only task as president was to deal with the mutiny of former slaves, led by Santiago Basora, who grew concerned of the rumor of the alleged reimposition of slavery. As such, Sánchez ordered Bobadilla to go to Monte Grande to assure the freedmen that slavery would not be reinstated. The small Haitian garrison did not dare to offer resistance. He locked himself in the Fortress, from where his leaders began negotiations with the French consul that led to the bloodless capitulation on February 28. The Haitians residing in the city, although they received guarantees that they could become Dominicans, preferred to emigrate. On February 29, apparently of his own free will, Sánchez handed over the presidency of the Board to Bobadilla, in recognition of the role that the conservative sector was called to play from now on, with more social influence than the Trinitarios among the rural population of the interior from the country.

Sánchez had anticipated for his predecessors to follow Duarte's ideals to maintain an independent state free of any foreign power. But these ideas were tossed to the ground due to opposing sides who felt that the new nation was not financially and economy able to withstand on its own, especially in the wake of the upcoming threats by the Haitians. And thus, this began a new era for the Dominican Republic tainted with violent political standoffs. This became apparent when it was discovered that Bobadilla treacherously carried out actions to achieve a protectorate of France, through the Levasseur Plan, through which French military aid would materialize, to emerge victorious in the war that was looming and in compensation, the new Dominican state would cede the Samaná Peninsula and the Samaná Bay to France.

Angered, the Trinitarios carried out a coup d'état on June 9, 1844, and expelled the supporters of the French protectorate, restoring Sánchez in the Presidency of the Governing Board. However, Pedro Santana, at the head of the Army of the South, advanced to Santo Domingo and on July 12, 1844 gave a counterattack, expelling the Trinitarios from the Central Government Board, and the Seibano leader was sworn in as President of the Republic. The young Trinitarios, previously revered as the architects of the Dominican nationalism, had to suffer the most unlikely persecutions, exiles, imprisonments and executions, as well as receive false moral insults with the intention of piercing their lineage. Not a single one of the young Duartistas escaped the cruel campaign of indictments by Pedro Santana and the conservative sectors who assaulted the political command in the nascent republic.

First exile and Return

thumb|[[Battle of Las Carreras, fought in April 1849, during the Dominican War of Independence. ]]

As a sad paradox of fate, six months after the consummation of National Independence, on August 22, 1844, the Central Government Board led by Pedro Santana, issued a resolution declaring the Trinitario chiefs (Duarte, Sánchez and Mella) "traitors to the Homeland” and deported them in perpetuity. Sánchez was exiled to Europe on August 26, 1844, along with Mella. However, tragedy struck while on board the ship, which crashed off the coast of Ireland, killing many of the people on the ship. The survivors, of which included Sánchez and Mella, found themselves in Dublin. In December 1844, they relocated to New York. From there, Sánchez moved to Curaçao. Mella, on the other hand, resettled in neighboring Puerto Rico.

His life in Curaçao was very simple. He settled in the suburb community of Pietermaai, located in the capital city of Willemstad. He took a job as a teacher, where he taught Spanish and other subjects in the company of companions of his friend, Juan José Illás. This allowed him to meet Leoncia Rodríguez, a Curaçaoan woman, with whom he established a romantic relationship, thus conceiving a daughter. However, Sánchez had received the tragic news that his aunt, María Trinidad Sánchez, had been tortured and executed by Santana for refusing to name the conspirators against him on February 27, 1845, exactly one year after the independence from Haiti. Sánchez's elder half-brother, Andrés, Nicolás de Barías and José del Carmen Figueroa were also shot.

In 1848, Manuel Jimenes, the newly elected president, granted an amnesty which allowed the return of Sánchez and many of the exiled patriots back to the country. Sánchez returned to the Dominican Republic during a very crucial time. He had returned just in time to find that his parents, Olaya del Rosario and Narciso Sánchez, were still alive. However, by the beginning of February 1849, Olaya del Rosario became seriously ill. Longing to enjoy her presence, both Sánchez and his father came to an agreement that her end was near. He continued to be by her side until her unfortunate death on March 2, 1849. Before her death, Sánchez reconnected with his old girlfriend, Balbina Peña, later marrying her. The two would remain wed until Sánchez's death. In addition, the widowed Narciso Sánchez would later remarry with Emelie Wincler Pitineli, a native of Curaçao, procreating María Teresa Sánchez Wincler in 1852.

On his return, Sánchez held many important positions in government. He was appointed Commander of Arms for the city of Santo Domingo by Jimenes. However, almost immediately after assuming office, Faustin Soulouque, the new ruler of Haiti, ensued a new invasion into the territory. The head of the Dominican army, Antonio Duvergé, suffered some defeats against the Haitian troops, which was used by Santana's supporters to discredit him and disobey his orders. The population of the city of Santo Domingo fell into panic because they believed that nothing would stop Soulouque. In Congress, Buenaventura Báez promoted the appointment of Santana as head of the army, contravening Jimenes's position. The attempt he made to lead the troops also ended in failure, a victim of sabotage by Santana's faithful. Sánchez accompanied Santana for a few days. However, it seems that differences arose between them for unknown reasons, and by the time the Battle of Las Carreras began, on April 21, Sánchez had retreated towards Santo Domingo. Although he returned to the theater of events as soon as he heard the cannon shots, he arrived after the battle was over. Following the Dominican victory over the Haitians, Sánchez wrote a testimony, in which he writes:

Sánchez even addressed to the nation, in regards to Santana's resounding victory with following:

Moved by this cautious attitude, and although retired from the practice of the profession, in 1853, Sánchez published the article Amnesty, in which he congratulated Santana for his willingness to allow the return of all those politically persecuted as a result of taking the presidency by third time, and elevated him to the status of the nation's greatest hero. Sánchez's decision to praise Santana has earned him harsh criticism. Without a doubt, Sánchez resigned himself to inserting himself into the existing order of things, but this does not mean that he abdicated his essential positions in national objectives. He seems to have reached the conclusion that the country was not prepared for a democratic order and that feasible goals had to be guaranteed, above all safeguarding the independence of the Republic.

1853–1859: Alignment with Báez, second exile and Cibaeño Revolution

thumb|Over time, Sánchez's relationship with Santana began to deteriorate, instead choosing to align himself with [[Buenaventura Báez (pictured). ]]

However, by 1853, relations between Sánchez and Santana reached a breaking point when Santana succeeded in expelling Buenaventura Báez from the country. This resulted into a fierce struggle between the two politicians, of which Sánchez, like Duvergé, sided with the latter. During this time, Baecism had gained the support of all those who had become adversaries to Santana's growing despotism. Báez supporters consisted mostly of young, educated people with liberal convictions from the city of Santo Domingo. To Sánchez, he saw this side much too familiar to that of his political stance, which allowed him to compromise with Báez upon realizing that Santana's authority could be questioned. He had to consider his decision to enter politics again, because he was permeated – and would continue to be until his death – with an acute feeling of disappointment. But the sense of duty and the vocation to give everything for the good of the country, the maximum garments of its greatness, were stronger.

Báez's return was facilitated by the agreement he reached with the Spanish consul, Antonio María Segovia, while he was in exile in Saint Thomas. Segovia's belligerence was due to the fact that Santana was oriented toward annexation to the United States, a purpose that began to be outlined through a treaty through which the Samaná peninsula was leased. And if the Dominican Republic fell under North American tutelage, as was Santana's interest, Spain's interests in Cuba would be affected. In order to undermine Santana's rapprochement with the United States, Segovia established that all Dominicans who wanted to could become Spanish citizens. The Baecistas took advantage of the opportunity to protect themselves behind their status as Spanish subjects and carry out an opposition without taking risks. This created a state of affairs that Santana couldn't control.

The case ended with George's acquittal, and Sánchez was carried out of the court on the shoulders of the excited audience. (Upon learning of the Sánchez expedition in the south, Victor George left on foot to take part in the struggle in a gesture of gratitude, but was killed near the city of Azua by Pedro Santana's supporters).

Annexation to Spain

1859–1861: Banishment and annexation

thumb|Fearing continued resistance, Santana exiled Sánchez indefinitely from the island, which conveniently solidified his plans of annexation.

thumb|Santana is appointed as Governor-General by the Spaniards

However, it was during this period that political and economic disorder plagued the Caribbean nation. With the Dominican War of Independence coming to a close, the country had inherited a serious amount of debt due to Santana's heavy spending of the wars, as well as the bankrupted treasury left behind during Báez's time in office. Santana's misrule of the power combined with Báez corrupt regime left a devastating effect on the nation's economy. This, along with consistent fears of another attack from the Haitians, gave justification for the nation to be annexed to a foreign power.

Sánchez, who had been under surveillance for months following the revolution, was suspected of taking part of a renewed conspiracy against Santana's government, once again with the purpose of restoring the power back to Baez. Although this time, Sánchez did not take part in this group. But despite this, however, Santana considered his overall presence as a serious threat to his administration, who during this time was currently in negotiations with Spain to re-annex the country, an act of which Santana was aware that Sánchez would've strongly opposed. Therefore, for the third and final time, in 1859, Sánchez was exiled and banished from the country, this time to Saint Thomas. He settled in the main town of Charlotte Amalie, where his existence was full of privations, surviving practically in a state of destitution and much of the time, battling illness.

Ultimately, in 1861, Santana struck a deal with Spain to reintegrate the Dominican Republic back to colonial status in exchange for honorary privileges. Learning of this action, Sánchez was outraged and immediately took lead of the opposition to confront this. Báez, on the other hand, decided not to take part in the opposition, believing that the annexation was inevitable, and once consummated, the conflicts between the Spanish and Santana would only intensify, giving Santana more opportunities to attain commanding positions. From this moment, Sánchez severed all ties Báez, reverting him back to his Trinitario origins, giving him the renewed stature of a hero who embodied the ideals of freedom. However, Báez left his supporters free to do as they please, since he could not prevent them from taking part in stopping the annexation. In addition, Báez's lieutenants also accepted Sánchez's leadership.

Dominican Revolutionary Board and Haiti

thumb|Haitian President Fabre Nicolas Geffrard

Returning to Curaçao, Sánchez set the structure for the purposes. He ordered a formation called the Dominican Revolutionary Board, of which his part was composed chiefly of Baecistas such as Manuel María Gautier and Valentín Ramírez Báez. The second figure of the movement was led by Cabral, who despite being a supporter of Báez, had always maintained his ideals of independence of judgment, along with liberal and national position, of which has shown through his subsequent evolution. Also on board of the movement was his old comrade and fellow Trinitario, Pedro Alejandrino Piña, who had always stood firm on all national struggles.

Although initially skeptical, he eventually agreed to give aid to the rebels due to the possibility of Spain stretching its power to the rest of the island. It was agreed that he would leave Haiti and return secretly, so that the Haitian government would not be committed to the expedition he was going to carry out. In addition to permission to use its territory, the Haitian administration agreed to provide weapons to the Dominican revolutionaries. In it, he addressed a proclamation to his enemies, publicly denouncing Santana's actions, his firm stance to confront the invading Spanish army, and calling on the Dominicans to take up arms against the upcoming threat that was approaching. The full text of that manifesto is as follows:

As declared in the manifesto, which had been signed by Sánchez, it gave an indisputable clarion call about the Santana's treasonous act against the Dominican Republic. Sánchez was aware that Santana carried out his plans through various means. Firstly, when previous annexation attempts, Santana shifted his attention to another powerful nation for a possible protectorate or annexation project, the United States. But due to internal conflicts, (which quickly escalated into the American Civil War), these plans were suspended. Secondly, Santana was forced to turn his gaze towards Spain, which still maintained two vital possessions in the Caribbean: Cuba and Puerto Rico. In the previous decade, attempts for the recognition of the independence of Dominican Republic by Spain ended in failure. In addition, once a plan for a protectorate failed, General Felipe Benicio Alfau insteaded proposed an annexation project.

Nevertheless, all of this, in addition to Santana's growing despotism, convinced Sánchez that the nation was in danger of succumbing into another annexation project. The early inclinations, (even before the project was finalized), pushed Sánchez to rush into action. In fact, in another letter, written to Damián Báez, on January 16, four days earlier, Sánchez firmly asserts:

With his mission now set, Sánchez returned to Saint Thomas, while his followers congregated in Haiti, coming from Saint Thomas to Curaçao. His plans also won support from Dominican soldiers who had arrived in Haiti a short time before, such as Domingo Ramírez and Fernando Tavera. The Baecista leaders, however, preferred to remain in Port-au-Prince.

Tabera encountered difficulties, as he was unpopular in the Neiba Valley due to his authoritarian inclinations and his defection towards Haiti the previous year. Instead, Sánchez obtained the support of influential people from the Sierra, among whom Santiago de Óleo stood out. For this reason, he found no obstacles, crossed El Cercado and was able to advance to Vallejuelo with the intention of falling on San Juan. For his part, Cabral took Las Matas de Farfán without encountering much obstacle and was preparing to advance on San Juan.

Meanwhile, Cabral received information that the Haitian government had decided to withdraw support for the Dominican revolutionaries, forced by threats from a Spanish squadron that was stationed in the bay of Port-au-Prince. Faced with this situation, he proceeded to turn back without waiting for Sánchez's order. A few of his subordinates requested permission to go to El Cercado to notify Sánchez. Upon receiving the news, Sánchez also decided to back down, even though he considered the possibility of ignoring the decision of the Haitian regency. Surely, Cabral's hasty action compelled him to order a retreat. As for de Óleo, he knew the exact route where Sánchez and his companions would take, and thus he set an ambush for him.

As there were no Spanish troops in the area, Sánchez and his companions advanced confidently, but they were surprised by an ambush set by de Óleo on the Juan de la Cruz hill, near Hondo Valle, on June 20. The men put up a struggle, but unfortunately, several of the patriots died instantly, others were able to escape, some of them wounded, while the rest, a last group of 20 among whom many were wounded, were taken prisoner. In the scuffle, Sánchez was wounded in the leg and groin, and was offered a horse by Timoteo Ogando to take him back to Haiti. Sánchez, however, refused this, and was ultimately captured as well. The patriots were taken to San Juan, where Santana ordered that they be tried. In reality it was a prefabricated trial, since from Azua, Santana directed everything that happened in San Juan. The second corporal Antonio Peláez de Campomanes, the most senior Spaniard in the government, opposed the trial because he perceived that the death sentence of the captured expedition members was going to constitute a disastrous precedent that would undermine the prestige of Spain. The full text of his defense is as follows:

In another account, Sánchez was also quoted with saying:

Despite his temperance, Sánchez could not help but experience moments of bitterness. This is what the letter explains to his wife, Balbina Peña, advising her to ensure that their children do not enter politics and dedicate themselves to commerce outside the country. In order not to be complicit in the ignominy, one of the commanders of the Spanish troops that had arrived in San Juan days before, Antonio Luzón, decided to leave with his battalion in the direction of Juan de Herrera to carry out exercises.

Gregorio Luperón, a then 22-year-old patriot from Puerto Plata, expressed his opposition of the Spanish presence in Dominican Republic, and was arrested. However, he managed to escape from prison and sought refuge in the United States, and later Haiti. He returned to the country through Monti Cristi, where he would begin his revolt against Spanish rule, and Pedro Santana, who at this point was now ruling the country under military dictatorship, in support of Spain.

Duarte, hearing of the country's annexation to Spain, returned to his homeland once to take part in the struggle for independence. Mella, despite his financial crumble and illness, also joined in the cause to liberate the Dominican Republic from Spain.

Eventually, these actions, as well as those of many others paid off. In 1865, Queen Isabella II, realizing that she could not fare off against the Dominicans, withdrew her support and called off her remaining troops from the country, thereby restoring the nation's independence and ending the last Spanish threat to the Dominican Republic. Sánchez never lived to see this transpire.

Legacy

thumb|Statue of Sánchez at the Altar de la Patria

Sánchez's legacy is forever engraved into the memory of the Dominican Republic. His contributions to politics, nationalism, and ideals of an independent Dominican state marked him as a true icon for the nation. Some historians have credited him as the true father of the nation due to his status as the leader of the independence movement following Duarte's exile in Venezuela. Many Dominicans even consider him to be the strongest of the Founding Fathers. Brave, honest, bold, and brash, Sánchez's qualities set him apart from many patricians, making the honorable act of sacrificing his life for the nation. Manuel Rodríguez Objío, a young poet who greatly admired Sánchez, once wrote:

thumb|Funeral of Sánchez, by Dominican painter [[Alejandro Bonilla, 1875]]

In 1875, Sánchez's remains were exhumed and taken to the Primada de América Cathedral, thus beginning the Chapel of the Immortals. Later, in 1944, they were taken to the Puerta del Conde, together with those of Duarte and Mella. Since 1976, those venerable ashes rest in the sacred mausoleum - an extension of the Panteón de la Patria - which is located in the Parque Independencia in the city of Santo Domingo.

He is entombed in a mausoleum, Altar de la Patria, at the Count's Gate (Puerta del Conde) alongside Duarte and Mella, at the location of the start of the War of Independence.
In the province of Samaná, the city of Sánchez is named in his honor.
Many schools in the Dominican Republic are named in his honor.
Streets in many parts of the Dominican Republic are named after him.
A neighborhood in Santiago de Los Caballeros is named in his honor.
In San Juan de la Maguana, (in the province of present-day San Juan), the location where Sánchez was executed, a park is named after him along with a memorial statue dedicated to his legacy.
Sánchez is solely depicted on the 5 Dominican peso note and coin; he is also depicted on the 100 Dominican peso note alongside Duarte and Mella.
A national anthem titled "Himno a Francisco del Rosario Sánchez" is dedicated to his legacy.

Ancestry

Notes

References

Bibliography

García, José Gabriel. Rasgos biográficos de dominicanos célebres. 2da ed. Santo Domingo, 1971.
García Lluberes, Alcides. Duarte y otros temas. Santo Domingo, 1971.
García Lluberes, Leonidas. Crítica histórica. Santo Domingo, 1964.
Jiménes Grullón, Juan Isidro. El mito de los padres de la patria. Santo Domingo, 1975.
Lugo Lovatón, Ramón. Sánchez. 2 Tomos. Ciudad Trujillo, 1947.
Martínez, Rufino. Diccionario biográfico-histórico dominicano (1821–1930). Santo Domingo, 1997.
Rodríguez Demorizi, Emilio. Acerca de Francisco del Rosario Sánchez. Santo Domingo, 1976.

Additional Bibliography

Alemar, Luis E.: Mention of Heroes of the Separation. Bulletin of the General Archive of the Nation. No. 32-33, Ciudad Trujillo, 1944, Pp. 76
Larrazábal Blanco, Carlos : Families of Santo Domingo. Sanchez. Clío, No. 104, Ciudad Trujillo, July–September 1955. Pp. 150
Larrazábal Blanco, Carlos : Dominican Families, Letters ST Vol. V III, Academia Dominicana de la Historia, Vol. L II I, Editora del Caribe, 198 0
Lugo Lovatón, Ramón: Olaya del Rosario de Belén. Sanchez's mother. Bulletin of the General Archive of the Nation. No. 71, Ciudad Trujillo, 1951. Pp. 413
Lugo Lovatón, Ramón: Around Francisco del Rosario Sánchez. Bulletin of the General Archive of the Nation, No. 86, Ciudad Trujillo, 1955. Pp. 214