Foreign relations of Algeria

Since its independence from France in 1962, Algeria has pursued an activist foreign policy. In the 1960s and 1970s, Algeria was noted for its support of Third World policies and independence movements. Since its independence, Algeria has been a member of the Arab League, the African Union and of the United Nations.

History of foreign relations since independence

During Ben Bella's presidency (1962–1965)

Following its independence in 1962, Algeria developed deep ties with many foreign countries with a heavy presence in the global scene. The Algerian government, pursuing the dynamics that had started during the Algerian War for Independence and into the Cold War used the country's strategic geopolitical position – at the crossroads of Europe, Sub-Saharan Africa and the Arabian world – to assert its own interests. Algeria came to see itself as a full actor in the Cold War and not simply a bystander caught in a crossfire between the Western and Eastern blocs. Moreover, Algeria played a central role in the creation of the Third World as a global political project, using its position at the intersection of international agendas – notably between non-alignment and Afro-Asianism positions, and between anticolonial and socialist movements.

Algeria at the center of the competition between the Western and Eastern superpowers

Being a newly independent country from colonial rule of a Western power – France – and having waged a liberation war with a socialist orientation, Algeria was naturally inclined to turn towards the Soviet Union and its allies. However, the country's strategic advantages increased its importance to the eyes of the Western bloc. Primarily, France wanted to preserve its interests in the oil and gas exploitations in Algeria. As Charles de Gaulle stated to the Algerian finance minister in 1963, "If the Algerian government respects its commitments and takes into account our interests, it can count on our cooperation". Hence, French economic aid continued to flow in Algeria, to ensure control on the petroleum and gas industry as well as maintain continued use of Algerian soil to run atomic tests in the Saharan desert. Under Ben Bella, diplomatic relations with France were normalized, the negotiations concerning oil and gas leading to an agreement in 1964. As to the United States, they wanted to prevent Algeria from becoming yet another socialist country joining the ranks of the Soviet bloc. Hence, along with minor military equipment, the United States provided Algeria with a food program (PL-480) which delivered free food to the population. However, the Algerian commitment to supporting anti-colonial movements in Africa went against American interests in the continent, which led to an indirect conflict with the United States and an increasingly hostile relationship between the two countries.

During the war for independence, the ALN had already benefitted from equipment, training and advice from communist countries: the USSR (though its help was quite timid until the final months of the war), China, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia. Moreover, ALN delegations had visited China and North Vietnam to learn from their guerrilla strategies. Help and support from the communist bloc therefore increased after independence:

Even though Algeria was not a communist regime, the Soviet Union invested massive amounts of money and material help in the country. For instance, in 1963, the USSR granted $200 million in import credits for Soviet machinery to help build the Algerian industry, and committed to building a petrochemical research institute. The Soviet Union also agreed to buy agricultural products and minerals that Algeria was struggling to export. It was finally the country's main military supplier, providing planes, tanks, armored vehicles, ships, light weapons and ammunition for a total of 11 billion dollars from 1962 to 1989.
The other great communist power, China, demonstrated its interest in Algeria as a fellow antiimperialist country. Hence, when Zhou Enlai visited Algeria in December 1963, he granted Algeria a low-interest loan of $100 million. Moreover, the Chinese were more aggressive in their support for armed groups fighting imperialist and neo-imperialist regimes in Africa. Algeria and China therefore cooperated on this matter, with China contributing to ANP training camps, and shipping weapons and revolutionary militants to Algeria.

The Sino-Soviet split strengthened the two communist countries' competition for Algeria. However, China was inferior economically and militarily to the USSR, and could not match the USSR's industrial equipment and sophisticated armaments. Moreover, as the autogestion model proved to be widely inefficient, Algeria started to move towards a more centralized and Soviet-style economy by the end of 1964.

Algeria and the Third World project

Ben Bella's foreign policy was marked by globalism, as it was not restrained to a specific culture nor geographical region. Rather, the project of the Third World and its diverse manifestations – the Non-Aligned Movement, the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organization, etc. – were meant to include all the developing and anti-imperialist countries, and Algeria intended to play a major role in its development.

This role is perfectly summarized by Amilcar Cabral's – leader of the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde – famous declaration that Algeria was the "Mecca of revolution". Indeed, the Algerian foreign policy had been influenced by Frantz Fanon's and other radical Third World thinkers' urgings to "export revolution" to other countries suffering from the yoke of imperial oppression. Therefore, the support of armed nationalists and revolutionaries was one of the foundations of Algerian relations with African countries. Ever since 1960, the FLN camps in Algeria's neighboring countries (Morocco, Tunisia and Mali) had been used to provide training and material help to revolutionary movements. By 1963, Algeria was offering refuge, funds, weapons and training to rebels from a dozen African countries: the left-wing opposition in Morocco, the secessionist Sanwi government in Ivory Coast, the Sawaba party in Niger, the CNL (or "Simbas") in Congo-Leopoldville, the UPC in Cameroon, the MPLA and FNLA in Angola (250 recruits were trained in Algeria and 70 tons of armaments were sent to this country), and several armed groups in Zanzibar, Portuguese Guinea, South Africa and Namibia.

However, the Third World project also materialized through the various conferences and international organizations that united developing countries. Firstly, the Non-Aligned Movement, which was founded in Belgrade in 1961, and which Algeria joined shortly after its independence, defined the concept of non-alignment in the Cold War as a way for poor countries to exploit the conflicts and tensions and hence to promote their own interests. According to Jeffrey J. Byrne, the Algerian conception of the Non-Aligned Movement was that of a "political, goal-oriented and geographically unbounded anti-imperial solidarity". The Third World coalition could therefore encompass Latin America countries, and even Europe ones like Yugoslavia. Algeria was particularly important in this sense, as it acted as a bridge between blocs and regions. For instance, its position at the crossroads of the Arab and the sub-Saharan worlds enabled Algeria to create links and unity between these two regions: at Algeria's request, Arab countries supported Angolan and other African revolutions, while African countries endorsed the Palestinian cause. However, these global Third World solidarity links went further than Africa: for example, the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam opened a permanent office in Algiers (one of only two that were located in non-communist countries). One of the most successful Third World projects was the Organization of African Unity, founded in Addis Ababa in 1963 to formalize and institutionalize the main Third World principles. Moreover, Algeria advocated for the creation within the organization of a "liberation committee", the "Committee of Nine", to support national liberation movements (even by military means). This embodies the Algerian view of Third Worldism: the institutionalization of collective defiance towards the imperial system.

Therefore, if the multipolarity of international relations – the traditional East versus West bipolarism, but also the intra-communist poles and the development of Third World alternatives – had benefitted the non-aligned states such as Algeria, the latter's increasing reliance on the Soviet Union – especially since the Sand War against Morocco in 1963 – risked jeopardizing the country's independence and its relations with other powers, such as the United States or China.

During Boumediene's presidency (1965–1978)

Algerian foreign relations during the presidency of Houari Boumediene marked a shift towards more stable and Algero-centered policies, in opposition to Ben Bella's cosmopolitism. However, this greater focus on the country's economic needs and traditional Islamic culture did not end the period of international ambitions.

Algeria's centrality in the Third World

Pan-Africanism and Pan-Arabism were strengthened during the Boumediene era. Algeria had joined the Arab League in 1962, and hosted its 1973 summit in Algiers. This strong relation with other Arab countries, notably with Egypt, was reinforced after Boumediene's seizure of power. For instance, in 1966, Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser sent thousands of teachers to support Algeria in the Arabization of its educational system. After Nasser's death in 1970, Boumediene increasingly represented the political project of Pan-Arabism; and in 1973, Algeria played a major role in the organization of the war against Israel, as well as calling for oil to be used as a weapon in the OPEC. Moreover, in 1969, Algiers hosted the Pan-African Cultural Festival: this grandiose display of an African identity, forged from the continent's common experience of Western imperialism, reunited anticolonial militants from numerous countries of the Third World. Far from being opposed, Pan-Arabism and Pan-Africanism were, under Algerian influence, united: Boumediène summoned an extraordinary session of the Organization for African Unity following the Kippur War in 1973, which resulted in the creation of a special committee to coordinate the Organization and the Arab League, and in the break of diplomatic relations of 42 African states with Israel. Finally, Boumediène presided over a larger and more powerful Non-Aligned Movement in 1973.

Algeria's approach to international politics was motivated by the need for a "liberation" from the Western neocolonial economic superiority. Hence, in October 1967, Algiers hosted the meeting of the "Group of 77", which united 77 developing countries on major revendications: a global reform of the terms of trade and a greater collaboration between Third World countries to set the prices for their raw materials. Furthermore, the main points of Boumediene's address to the United Nations General Assembly in 1974 – reparations for colonization and a transfer of resources from North to South – were adopted by UN. The notion of a "new international economic order" emerged as a way to reshape the world economy to the benefit of developing countries, based on the principle of sovereign equality between states.

A careful equilibrium between Cold War powers

Boumediene took pride in Algeria's non-aligned status, by claiming its distance from both Soviet-style socialism and Western capitalism, while the country enjoyed an increasing prosperity. However, support from the Communist bloc did not halt. Indeed, because of their dependence on raw materials and their lack of hard currencies, commerce between Third World countries was negligible. The USSR, on the contrary, was able to deliver military equipment, industrial expertise, and trade outputs: the Soviets replaced France as the first destination for Algerian wine, and provided 200,000 tons of wheat when a drought hit the country in 1966.

Once again, the support Algeria received from the Soviet bloc was not exclusive to that of the Western bloc. Even though Boumediene took strong public stands, as when he claimed in 1969 after a summer of violence against Algerians living in France that if the French government could not insure the security of Algerian immigrants, he would repatriate them regardless of the cost, Algerian-French relations were progressively normalized during the 1970 decade. This posturing, like the nationalization of oil in 1971, served to increase his popularity in internal politics. However, France remained a model of prosperity, Algeria was still heavily dependent on France economically, and in 1975, French President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing made the first presidential visit since independence. More generally, Algeria continued to do business with the West, and avoided to be overly dependent on Soviet support. Indeed, despite the break of relations with the United States after the Six-Day War in 1967, the Americans had almost replaced France as Algeria's primary trade partner by the early 1970s. Therefore, the competition between the West and the USSR gave Algeria opportunities to diversify its economic partnerships.

During Bouteflika's presidency (1999 - 2019)

Since his inauguration in 1999, President Abdelaziz Bouteflika sought to extend Algeria's international influence, traveling extensively throughout the world. In July 2001, he became the first Algerian President to visit the US White House in 16 years.

He made official visits, among others, to France, South Africa, Italy, Spain, Germany, China, Japan, South Korea and Russia.

After Bouteflika (2019-)

On 24 August 2021, Algeria cut diplomatic relations with neighbouring Morocco, accusing Morocco of supporting a separatist group and hostile actions against Algeria. Morocco called the decision unjustified.

After the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, Algeria has tried to keep good relations with both Russia and the West by remaining neutral at the UN on other votes.

Diplomatic relations

List of countries which Algeria maintains diplomatic relations with:

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| Libyan support for the Polisario in the Western Sahara facilitated early post independence Algerian relations with Libya.

Algeria has an embassy in Antananarivo.
Madagascar has an embassy in Algiers.

|- valign="top"

|||22 July 1963||See Algeria–Mali relations

Both countries established diplomatic relations on 22 July 1963.

Severed diplomatic relations 27 February 1976, restored 16 May 1988, cuts diplomatic relations 24 August 2021.

Algeria–Morocco relations have been dominated by the issue of self-determination for the Western Sahara since their independence. The national integrity of this former colonial territory has caused a deep-seated antagonism and general mistrust between the two nations that has permeated all aspects of Moroccan-Algerian relations. Algeria's interest in the region dates back to the 1960s and 1970s when it joined Morocco, Mauritania & Libya in efforts to remove the Spanish from the territory. After Spain announced its intention to abandon the province, then known as Spanish Sahara, in 1975, the united front presented by the Maghreb nations quickly disintegrated, as a result of Morocco, and subsequently Mauritania, staking claims to the territory. Algeria, although not asserting any territorial ambitions of its own, was averse to the absorption of the territory by any of its neighbors and called for self-determination for the Saharawi people. Before the Spanish evacuation, Spain, Morocco, and Mauritania agreed to divide the territory and transfer the major part to Morocco and the remaining southern portion to Mauritania. This agreement violated a United Nations (UN) resolution that declared all historical claims on the part of Mauritania or Morocco to be insufficient to justify territorial absorption and drew heavy Algerian criticism.

|- valign="top"

|||6 March 1976||See Algeria–Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic relations

Since 1976, Algeria has supported the Polisario Front, a group claiming to represent the population of Western Sahara, which is based among the 90,000 Sahrawi refugees who reside in refugee camps in Algeria. Contending that the Sahrawis have a right to self-determination under the UN Charter, Algeria has provided the Polisario with material, financial, and political support and sanctuary in southwestern Algeria's Tindouf Province. UN involvement in the Western Sahara includes MINURSO, a peacekeeping force, and UNHCR, for refugee assistance and resettlement. Active diplomatic efforts to resolve the dispute under the auspices of the Special Representative of the Secretary General are on-going. Although the land border between Morocco and Algeria was closed in the wake of a terrorist attack, the two have worked at improving relations.

Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic has an embassy in Algiers.

|- valign="top"

|||10 May 1994||See Algeria–South Africa relations

Both countries established full diplomatic relations on 10 May 1994

Algeria has an embassy in Pretoria.
South Africa has an embassy in Algiers.

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|||22 December 1965||See Algeria–Sudan relations

Both countries established diplomatic relations on 22 December 1965.

Smaller and in a more precarious position vis-à-vis Libya, Tunisia has consistently made efforts to align with Algeria.

Algeria has an embassy in Ottawa and a consulate-general in Montreal.
Canada has an embassy in Algiers.

|- valign="top"

|||17 October 1962||

Both countries established diplomatic relations on 17 October 1962

Cuba and Algeria formed strong diplomatic links due to their historical and ideological proximity. Indeed, despite their geographical distance, the two countries saw themselves as the models of a successful socialist revolution against imperialist forces. Moreover, they more pragmatically believed that to defend themselves from American hostility, they ought to encourage revolutions elsewhere in Latin America and in Africa as to distract the United States and create new allies. Hence, guerrilla hero Ernesto "Che" Guevara visited Algeria twice, from October 1963 to February 1964, and in February 1965, and Cuban President Fidel Castro made a grand official visit to Algeria in 1972. Cuba also sent large quantities of military equipment (two ships, a unity of tanks and 700 soldiers) to Algeria in 1963 during the Sand War with Morocco. Indeed, once again, Algeria was a point of contact between African rebels and potential supporting countries such as Cuba. This relationship was mutually beneficial: Algeria received Argentinian training guerrilleros, a delegation of the Venezuelan National Liberation Front, and even sent armaments to the latter (in an Algerian ship, as to avoid American control) at Cuba's request.

Algeria has an embassy in Havana.
Cuba has an embassy in Algiers.

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|||21 October 1964||See Algeria–Mexico relations

Both countries established diplomatic relations on 21 October 1964

Algeria has an embassy in Mexico City.
Mexico has an embassy in Algiers.

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|||10 March 1972||Both countries established diplomatic relations on 10 March 1972.

Algeria has an embassy in Lima.
Peru has an embassy in Algiers.

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|||29 September 1962||See Algeria–United States relations

Both countries established diplomatic relations on 29 September 1962

Military cooperation between the United States and Algeria were less sensible than that with the Soviet Union, and Algerian purchases in the early years of independence were mostly restrained to American planes. However, the intermediary role played by Algeria during the Iranian hostage crisis generated the purchase of general military equipment in 1985 through the Foreign Military Sales program.

Even though the United States were initially positively inclined to develop strong diplomatic links with the newly independent Algerian state, their relations declined rapidly. Indeed, the Algerian official declarations against American interventionism in Africa and as far as North Vietnam, and their support to left-wing revolutionary groups against American-supported regimes (notably in Angola, but also in Latin America through their close connections with Cuba) increased the hostility against Algeria in American opinion. The United States feared that Algeria was more favorable to the communist bloc and risked threatening their interests. Moreover, the Algerians resented the American failure to deliver the kind of assistance they requested: although the PL-480 food program provided food to millions of Algerians, the government sought to develop its economy through wider and long-term industrial programs. As Foreign Affairs Minister Bouteflika stated in 1965, "The US gives us bread; what we need is work. We need factories that create things and give work to our people". However, despite the break of diplomatic relations with the United States in 1967 following the Six-Day War, their economic exchanges did not stop. Indeed, the United States had nearly replaced France as Algeria's first trade partner by the beginning of the 1970s.||See Algeria–China relations

Algeria has an embassy in Beijing.
China has an embassy in Algiers.

|- valign="top"

|||2 July 1962||See Algeria–India relations

Both countries established diplomatic relations on 2 July 1962

Algeria has an embassy in New Delhi.
India has an embassy in Algiers.

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|||1963||See Algeria–Indonesia relations

Algeria has an embassy in Jakarta.
Indonesia has an embassy in Algiers.

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|||1964, severed diplomatic relations 27 March 1993, restored 8 September 2001||See Algeria–Iran relations

Algeria has an embassy in Tehran.
Iran has an embassy in Algiers.

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|||1962, severed diplomatic relations 1979, restored September 2001||

Algeria has an embassy in Baghdad.
Iraq has an embassy in Algiers.

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|||||See Algeria–Israel relations

Algeria has never had official diplomatic relations with Israel. In the mid 90s, while Israel and north African states slowly started diplomatic relations, Algeria remained one of the last countries to consider such a move. It was only when Israeli's President Shimon Peres and Prime Minister Ehud Barak met Algerian President Abdalziz Bouteflika at the funeral of Moroccan King Hassan ll on July 25, 1999, that comments about rapprochement were made.

|- valign="top"

|||28 November 1962||See Algeria–Japan relations

Both countries established diplomatic relations on 28 November 1962.

The Front de Liberation Nationale (FLN) opened a representative office in Tokyo in 1958. A Japanese embassy was opened in Algiers in 1964, and an Algerian embassy was opened in Tokyo the same year. Japan has extended extensive technological assistance to Algeria and cultural exchange programs are numerous

Algeria has an embassy in Tokyo.
Japan has an embassy in Algiers.

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|||26 November 1964||See Algeria–Malaysia relations

Both countries established diplomatic relations on 26 November 1964

Algeria has an embassy in Kuala Lumpur.

Malaysia has an embassy in Algiers.

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|||8 March 1988||Both countries established diplomatic relations on 8 March 1988

Algeria is represented in Maldives via its embassy in New Delhi
Maldives is represented in Algeria through a non-resident ambassador based, presumably, in London.

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|||16 August 1963||See Algeria-Pakistan relations

Both countries established diplomatic relations on 16 August 1963.

Algeria is represented in Singapore via its embassy in Jakarta.
Singapore is represented in Algeria through a non-resident ambassador based in Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Singapore).

|- valign="top"

|||27 August 1962||See Algeria–Syria relations

Both countries established diplomatic relations on 27 August 1962
Syria has an embassy in Algiers.
Both countries are members of Arab League.

|- valign="top"

|||1962||See also Algeria–Turkey relations

Algeria has an embassy in Ankara and a Consulate General in Istanbul.
Turkey has an embassy in Algiers.
Trade volume between the two countries was US$3.17 billion in 2018 (Algerian exports/imports: 1.14/2.03 billion USD).
213,333 Algerian tourists visited Turkey in 2017.
600,000 to 2,000,000 of Algerians are of Turkish descent.

|- valign="top"

|||6 July 1973||See Algeria–United Arab Emirates relations

Both countries established diplomatic relations on 6 July 1973 when UAE officially opened an embassy in Algiers

Algeria has an embassy in Hanoi.
Vietnam has an embassy in Algiers.

Europe

{| class="wikitable sortable" style="width:100%; margin:auto;"

! style="width:15%;"| Country

! style="width:12%;"| Formal Relations Began

!Notes

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|||3 April 1979||See Algeria–Cyprus relations

Cyprus and Algeria have concluded various agreements. For example, in November 1997, Algeria and Cyprus agreed on a framework for maritime exchanges between the two countries, lifting obstacles on the free movement of ships and offering preferential treatment at the ports in both countries. In December 1999 Algeria and Cyprus signed an air transport agreement to introduce a legal framework governing air routes between Algeria and Cyprus. In July 2000, Algerian news agency APS signed a cooperation agreement with the Cypriot news agency that covers exchange of English news items and photographs.

In December 2001, the Algerian firm Sonatrach and Cyprus oil company Medex Petroleum signed an exploration deal covering the north of Bordj Omar Idriss in the Illizi basin in south-eastern Algeria. Cyprus is considering Algeria as a potential partner to assist with extracting untapped oil and gas from the island's exclusive economic zone. Other partners being considered are Libya, Russian and Algeria – full details of the negotiations have not yet been released to the public domain.

|- valign="top"

|||3 July 1962||See Algeria–France relations

In the early 1990s, nearly 20 percent of all Algerian exports and imports were destined for or originated from France. More than 1 million Algerians resided in France and there were numerous francophones in Algeria, creating a tremendous cultural overlap. French remained the language of instruction in most schools and the language used in more than two-thirds of all newspapers and periodicals and on numerous television programs. Algeria and France share a cultural background that transcends diplomatic maneuvers and has persisted throughout periods of "disenchantment" and strained relations. Over time, however, the arabization of Algeria and the increasing polarization of society between the francophone elite and the Arab masses have mobilized anti-French sentiment. Support for the arabization of Algerian society—including the elimination of French as the second national language and emphasis on an arabized education curriculum—and the recent success of the FIS indicate a growing fervor in Algeria for asserting an independent national identity. Such an identity emphasizes its Arab and Islamic cultural tradition rather than its French colonial past. However, France's support for the military regime that assumed power in early 1992 indicates that the cooperative relations between the two countries remain strong.

Algeria has an embassy in Berlin and a consulate-general in Frankfurt.
Germany has an embassy in Algiers.

|- valign="top"

|||1962||See Algeria–Greece relations

Relations between the two countries have been traditionally friendly since Algeria's first years of independence. Both countries are members of the Union for the Mediterranean. Greece was among the early countries to establish diplomatic relations with Algeria after its independence in 1962, by upgrading the then Greek Consulate General in Algiers to an embassy in 1963. As of 2009, the two countries had in place three bilateral agreements:

Agreement on Economic, Scientific and Technical Cooperation (1982).
Agreement on Educational Cooperation (1988).
Agreement on Mutual Protection and Promotion of Investments (2000). In 2003, Greek [National] Defence Minister Ioannos Papandoniou visited Algeria to discuss ways to consolidate military cooperation between Algeria and Greece.

Since 2000, Algeria has supplied Greece with natural gas by virtue of a long-term Agreement between the two countries. The liquefied natural gas is transported by special vessels before eventually reaching the appropriate plant located in Megara, Attica. The exports of Algerian products to Greece amounted to $89 million in 2001, including mainly oil and oil derivatives, natural gas, inorganic chemicals, iron and steel. In the same year, Greek exports to Algeria amounted to $50.78 million, consisting mainly of cereals and related derivatives, tobacco products, pharmaceuticals, medical and non-ferrous minerals.

Algeria has an embassy in Athens.
Greece has an embassy in Algiers.

|- valign="top"

|||6 March 1972||See Algeria–Holy See relations

Both countries established diplomatic relations on 6 March 1972.

Algeria is accredited to the Holy See from its Permanent Mission to the United Nations in Geneva, Switzerland.
Holy See has an apostolic nunciature in Algiers.

|- valign="top"

|||1 October 1962||See Algeria–Italy relations

Both countries established diplomatic relations on 1 October 1962.

Two countries have a strong connection, as northern part of Algeria's today was formerly territory of the Roman Empire which was originally from modern-day Italy. Italy and Algeria's relations is viewed as important for stability in the region.

Algeria has an embassy in Rome and a consulate-general in Milan.
Italy has an embassy in Algiers.
Both nations are members of the Union for the Mediterranean.

Italy is also Algeria's top commercial partner, with an exchange worth 8.67 billion dollars and a volume of imports of 4.41 billion, or 17.24% of global Algerian exports.

|- valign="top"

|||2 May 1962||See Algeria–Poland relations

Both countries established diplomatic relations on 2 May 1962.

Algeria has an embassy in Warsaw.
Poland has an embassy in Algiers.

|- valign="top"

|||7 March 1975||Both countries established diplomatic relations on 7 March 1975.

Algeria has an embassy in Lisbon.
Portugal has an embassy in Algiers.

|- valign="top"

|||16 April 1962||Both countries established diplomatic relations on 16 April 1962.

Algeria has an embassy in Bucharest.
Romania has an embassy in Algiers.
Both are members of the Union for the Mediterranean
Algerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs: information about relations with Romania (in French only)

|- valign="top"

|||23 March 1962||See Algeria–Russia relations

Both countries established diplomatic relations on 23 March 1962.

Algeria and Russia have had a strong military cooperation since the Algerian independence, as Algiers turned towards the USSR for purchasing armaments. Indeed, from 1962 to 1989, Algeria spent approximately 11 billion dollars for Soviet weapons: planes (MiG-21, MiG-23 et Su-24), tanks (T-55 et T-72), armored vehicles, several ships (including submarines), light weapons and ammunition.

Algeria has an embassy in Belgrade.
Serbia has an embassy in Algiers.
Serbian Ministry of Foreign Affairs about bilateral relations with Algeria

|- valign="top"

|||18 December 1962||See Algeria–Spain relations

Both countries established diplomatic relations on 18 December 1962.

Algeria has an embassy in Madrid and consulates-general in Alicante and Barcelona.
Spain has an embassy in Algiers and a consulate-general in Oran.

|- valign="top"

|||20 August 1992||See Algeria–Ukraine relations

Both countries established diplomatic relations on 20 August 1992.

Algeria has an embassy in Kyiv.
Ukraine has an embassy in Algiers.

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|||||See Algeria–United Kingdom relations

thumb|right|[[Prime Minister of the United Kingdom|British Prime Minister David Cameron with Algerian Prime Minister Abdelmalek Sellal in Algeria, January 2013.]]

Algeria established diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom on 16 November 1962.

Algeria maintains an embassy in London.
The United Kingdom is accredited to Algeria through its embassy in Algiers.

Both countries share common membership of the United Nations. Bilaterally the two countries have a Double Tax Convention, and a Strategic Partnership.

History of foreign relations since independence

During Ben Bella's presidency (1962–1965)

Algeria at the center of the competition between the Western and Eastern superpowers

Algeria and the Third World project

During Boumediene's presidency (1965–1978)

Algeria's centrality in the Third World

A careful equilibrium between Cold War powers

During Bouteflika's presidency (1999 - 2019)

After Bouteflika (2019-)

Diplomatic relations

Europe

See also

Notes

References