Dragan Čović (; born 20 August 1956) is a Bosnian Croat politician who served as the 4th Croat member of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina from 2002 to 2005 and from 2014 to 2018. He is currently serving as a member of the national House of Peoples, and has been the president of the Croatian Democratic Union of Bosnia and Herzegovina (HDZ BiH) since 2005. During his first term in the Presidency, Čović was removed from office in 2005 by High Representative Paddy Ashdown for abuse of power and position. He has also held the role of Federal Minister of Finance from 1998 to 2001, and was the acting Federal Prime Minister from January to March 2001.

Born in Mostar, Čović graduated from the Faculty of Engineering at University Džemal Bijedić and holds a PhD from the University of Mostar. He worked as a manager at Yugoslav aircraft manufacturer SOKO and was a member of the League of Communists. He joined the HDZ BiH during the Bosnian War in 1994. As the party’s leader, Čović has played a key role in constitutional reform negotiations, including the Prud Agreement, and the 2010–2012 government formation.

Čović has faced multiple legal challenges, including convictions and subsequent acquittals related to abuse of power and misuse of public funds. Public opinion about Čović is divided: he is seen by many Bosnian Croats as a strong advocate for their political rights, while critics accuse him of corruption, nepotism, and obstructing political reform.

Education and managerial career

Čović attended elementary school and the technical high school of mechanical engineering in Mostar until 1975. He graduated with a Bachelor of Engineering at the University Džemal Bijedić of Mostar in 1979. From 1986 to 1992, Čović was a manager at SOKO, including as director of business unit, director of production and vice president for industrialisation. From 1992 to 1998, he served as director-general of SOKO.

First presidency (2002–2005)

In the 2002 general election, Čović was elected member of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina with 114,606 votes. The reforms promised by the agreement would "build the ability of the State to meet the requirements of the EU integration process".

At a subsequent meeting in Banja Luka on 26 January 2009, the party leaders set out a plan for Bosnia and Herzegovina as a decentralised country with three levels of government. The middle level of government was anticipated to comprise four territorial units with legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government.

Controversy surrounded the creation of a third entity, Republika Srpska’s territorial integrity, and the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina. A further meeting was held in Mostar on 23 February 2009, hosted by Čović. Dodik also began to further challenge the Office of the High Representative and to call for the repatriation of competences to the entities, relying on growing Russian support. On 20 July 2009, High Representative Valentin Inzko suggested that the process between the three 'nationalist' parties had effectively ended. Instead, it had changed into a process involving many more political parties. Inzko believed that minor-level constitutional reform could be delivered through the meetings.

The only concrete result, upon U.S. pressure, was the agreement to amend the Bosnian Constitution to incorporate Brčko District under the jurisdiction of the state institution and of the Constitutional Court, as had been settled by the Brčko arbitration process. When the Prud process failed, Milorad Dodik and the SNSD became Čović's and the HDZ BiH's close partners.

2010–2012 government formation

thumb|Čović alongside other Bosnian political leaders during [[2010–2012 Bosnia and Herzegovina government formation|government formation talks, 15 September 2011]]

Following the 2010 general election, a process of formation of Bosnia and Herzegovina's Council of Ministers (i.e. the national government) began. The resulting election produced a fragmented political landscape without a parliamentary majority coalition more than a year later. The centre-left Social Democratic Party (SDP BiH), and the Bosnian Serb autonomist SNSD, each had 8 MPs of the total 42 MPs of the House of Representatives.

The major Croat (HDZ BiH and HDZ 1990) and Serb parties (SNSD and SDS) contended that a gentlemen's agreement existed in which the chairmanship of the Council of Ministers rotates between the three constitutional nationalities. In this case, it would be a Croat politician's turn to chair the Council. As the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ BiH), led by Čović, and the Croatian Democratic Union 1990 (HDZ 1990) received the overwhelming share of Croat votes in the 2010 general election, the parties demanded that a member of one of them be appointed Chairman. The SDP BiH, on the other hand, claimed that the only necessity is the ethnicity of the individual, and not the party, demanding the right to appoint a Croat Chairman from SDP BiH ranks, calling upon the right of having assumed most votes nationwide.

The European Union and the Office of the High Representative repeatedly attempted negotiations to appease the Bosniak–Bosnian and Serb–Croat divided political blocs, in parallel to the Bosnian constitutional crisis, all ending in failure. The Bosniak-Bosnian coalition insisted that the seat would have to go to them as the party that received the largest number of votes, while the Serb–Croat alliance insisted that due to the fact that according to tradition, the next Chairman of the Council of Ministers must be an ethnic Croat, it must come from an authentic Croat party (Croatian Democratic Union), and not the multi-ethnic SDP BiH.

A round of talks between party leaders was held in Mostar on 5 September 2011, hosted by Croat politicians Božo Ljubić and Čović, with Milorad Dodik, Mladen Bosić, Sulejman Tihić and Zlatko Lagumdžija in attendance. The parties agreed to a further round of discussion in mid-September. A meeting between the six major party leaders was held in Sarajevo on 15 September, hosted by Zlatko Lagumdžija. Topics discussed at the meeting included holding a national census, military assets and the Sejdić-Finci ruling. On the same day, an EU spokesperson warned that the country risked losing funding through the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance if the political situation did not stabilise. Another meeting on 26 September 2011 failed as well.

An agreement was finally reached on 28 December 2011 between the six political parties: the Social Democratic Party, the Party of Democratic Action (SDA), the Croatian Democratic Union, the Croatian Democratic Union 1990, the Serb Democratic Party and the Alliance of Independent Social Democrats. Vjekoslav Bevanda, a Bosnian Croat, became the new Chairman of the Council of Ministers.

Constitutional reform

thumb|right|Čović with [[Bakir Izetbegović (left) and European Commissioner for Enlargement Štefan Füle, 10 October 2013]]

As “credible efforts” towards the implementation of the Sejdić–Finci ruling remained the outstanding condition for the entry into force of the Stabilisation and Association Agreement, in June 2012, Czech Commissioner Štefan Füle launched a High Level Dialogue on the Accession Process (HLAD) with Bosnia and Herzegovina, tackling both the Sejdić–Finci issue and the need for a coordination mechanism for the country to speak with a single voice in the accession process. Talks were held in June and November 2012, with little success.

In the summer of 2012, Čović and SDP BiH leader Lagumdžija agreed on the indirect election of the Bosnian Presidency members by the Bosnian Parliament, but the deal was not turned into detailed amendments. The HDZ BiH kept calling for electoral reform to prevent new Komšić cases. The same Željko Komšić left the SDP BiH, in dissent with the agreement which would have excluded him from acceding to power again. The SDA also opposed it, as it would have created a further asymmetry, with one Presidency member (from Republika Srpska) elected directly, and two elected indirectly. In March and April 2013, with the support of the Director-General for Enlargement Stefano Sannino, the EU Delegation in Sarajevo facilitated a series of direct talks between party leaders, with no concrete outcome.

In the 2018 general election, Čović lost his bid for re-election as a Croat member of the Bosnian Presidency to Željko Komšić (former member of the Presidency from 2006 until 2014). He and the HDZ BiH accused Komšić of garnering support from Bosniak rather than Croat voters and thus not being a legitimate representative of Bosnian Croats in the country's Presidency.

Investigations and indictments

In November 2006, Čović was sentenced to five years in prison for exempting the Ivanković-Lijanović company from paying taxes on meat imports. The Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, on appeal, annulled the sentence and acquitted him for lack of jurisdiction.

In 2009, Čović was accused of spending public funds to buy private homes for certain people. In April 2010, he was acquitted.

On 14 May 2010, a third indictment for Čović and six other persons was confirmed by the Court of the Herzegovina-Neretva Canton, this time for abuse of power and position. He and other committee members of the Croatian Post and Telecom (HPT) were accused of transferring a debt of nearly 4,7 million convertible marks from the non-existing Ministry of Defence of the Croatian Defence Council to three private companies.

Personal life

Čović is married to retired attorney Bernardica Prskalo and together they have two daughters, Sanja and Danijela.

On 19 July 2020, it was confirmed that he tested positive for COVID-19, amid its pandemic in Bosnia and Herzegovina; by 4 August, he had recovered.

References

  • CIN - imovina politicara - Dragan Čović